Tag: civilization

  • Indus Valley Civilization: Mystery of a vanished giant empire

    Indus Valley Civilization: Mystery of a vanished giant empire

    The Indus culture remains the most enigmatic of the great sophisticated civilizations due to its indecipherable writing, astonishingly contemporary cities, and massive empire, the end of which is just as unknown as its commencement. Little is known about it, despite the fact that it influenced a large area about 5,000 years ago.

    Many people are unaware that the Indus civilization is one of the three major early sophisticated civilizations. Indeed, little is known about these people despite the fact that their dominion was once greater than that of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia put together. The only thing we know for sure is that they had a profound impact on the whole region, which is now Pakistan, as well as on sections of India and Afghanistan, beginning approximately 2800 B.C.

    The reasons for this culture’s emergence and subsequent fall, some 700 years apart, remain unknown. Also, nobody knows for sure what language the locals spoke, and nobody has been able to understand the writing, which does not seem to be connected to any of the established scripts.

    The Indus civilization’s early years

    Early human settlement and the domestication of animals and plants started in the Indus River area, where Stone Age artifacts indicate people began to dwell some 10,000 years ago. They were a typical agricultural society from around 6500 B.C. forward, when they began raising cattle and growing wheat, among other crops.

    At about 2600 B.C., however, everything changed. Huge cities home to thousands of people sprung up all throughout the Indus basin. Harappa and Mohenjo-daro are two of these cities that have provided archaeologists with their first glimpses of these mysterious people and their way of life.

    The Indus city plans are very similar, giving the impression that they were all drawn out at the same time. Buildings and streets inside them, as shown by excavations, adhered to a rigorous geometric layout, startlingly comparable to the districts of contemporary towns. Broad avenues ran along north to south, while narrower streets intersected at right angles, much like the squares on a chessboard.

    A standardized architecture

    A majority of the residences in the neighborhood were large rectangles. Mohenjo-daro and Harappa had a very consistent exterior look; unlike the colossal structures typical of Mesopotamia, they were designed with functionality in mind. Not even enormous temples or palaces were built. The majority of the structures were made from burned mud bricks, and they all followed the same design: Typically, after passing through a vestibule, one would enter a courtyard that the rest of the rooms would be organized around. Some of the homes included lofts or roof decks that could be used as extra living space.

    Researchers have speculated that the Indus civilization may have been the first to have advanced urban planning because of its remarkably practical, cohesive structure and design.

    Water from the tap and central sewerage

    Furthermore, the remainder of the infrastructure in these Bronze Age towns was remarkably advanced for its time. Mohenjo-daro, for instance, had a public bath and a central well about 4,000 years ago. Many people, however, had their own very modest wells dug into the mud brick walls of their homes in order to get potable water. Some structures may have even had running water piped in via these underground networks. According to the excavations, the sewage from the homes was carried through clay pipes into the municipal sewer system, which consisted of sewers covered with bricks and ran down the main streets.

    Much of Mohenjo-daro was constructed on a plateau to prevent it from flooding, with watchtowers and fortifications along its southern side to ward off invaders. Raw materials for jewelry production and a large number of beads point to the existence of workshops in addition to residential structures in these cities. Some of these raw minerals could only be sourced from Central Asia or farther afield, indicating the sophisticated trading network that the ancient Indus society had.

    Fixed units of measurement and reference weights

    One such indicator of the Indus culture’s sophisticated level 4,500 years ago is its unified and astoundingly exact system of units of measurement. Buildings, plazas, and even the mud bricks themselves all seem to adhere to consistent proportions, according to surveys of Indus towns. These may all be reduced to 0.69 inches (17.6 mm), the putatively fundamental measuring unit of the Indus civilization.

    Precise rules

    In 2008, researchers unearthed the clay crossbeam of a scale with lines cut into it at regular intervals—every 0.69 inches—in the Indus city of Kalibangan. Subunits of this measurement, called angulam, were reportedly recognized by many smaller markings in between. It is already clear to Indus specialists that the builders at Harappa adhered to strict standards of proportion and beauty, rather than relying on chance.

    Early on in the excavations at Mohenjo-daro in 1931, researchers uncovered a number of cube- and cuboid-shaped blocks of limestone of varying sizes, proving that the people of the Indus empire were also methodical when it came to weight. Extensive digging has uncovered similar blocks from other cities, each one looking like an egg next to the originals. What were they, though?

    Reference weights for trade

    Clues might be gleaned from the places where the blocks were unearthed, since they often turned up with artifacts associated with commerce such as seals and merchandise. These blocks have now been identified as reference weights and utilized in the commerce sector for the purpose of measuring items. The tiniest bricks weighed 0.89 grams (0.031 ounces), which is lighter than the gram unit.

    Within a certain weight category, there is only roughly a 6% variation in Indus weights.

    The Indus script, which has yet to be deciphered

    A depiction of the single horned bull in an Indus seal with Indus hieroglyphs.
    A depiction of the single horned bull in an Indus seal with Indus hieroglyphs.

    The Indus people’s writing looks like a blend between Egyptian hieroglyphics and Sumerian cuneiform, with its use of triangles, circles with cross-like letters, and plant-like symbols. Neither of those things has anything to do with it, and the meaning of its characters is still a mystery.

    One explanation is that, unlike the lengthy Mesopotamian text tablets, Indus characters often occur in clusters of no more than six. They are often affixed to clay seals, miniature tablets, and talisman-like amulets. They are often mixed with animal representations, particularly on the seals.

    Mysterious signs and animal symbols

    It is possible that the animals’ emblems denoted certain people or clans, and that the names or legitimacy of the owners were indicated by the text. Clay jars, metal implements, and even gold jewelry have all been unearthed with the mysterious writing. Names found in that area may also date back approximately 5,000 years to the people who lived in the Indus Valley.

    However, the Indus script remains as mysterious as it was when first found, despite decades of efforts to translate it. Not only is it unclear what language the strings were written in, but it’s also possible that the same script was used for more than one language. While some in the academic community are convinced that it is a genuine script, others see the symbols not for what they are, but for what they represent, such as religious or political iconography.

    Mathematical aid

    But Mumbai’s Tata Institute of Basic Research researcher Mayank Vahia disputes this. A few years ago, he utilized mathematics to crack the code of the puzzling characters and found evidence that they were, in fact, a legitimate script with a set canon of symbols and an underlying grammar.

    The research conducted by Vahia and his coworkers is founded on the so-called Markov model, a statistical technique for forecasting the likelihood of an occurrence based on its antecedents. Insights into the Indus script’s underlying grammatical structure can be gained using the statistical approach. Any meaning attributed to a symbol during the decipherment process using such a model must be consistent with the meanings of the symbols that came before and after it.

    A specific sequence

    The studies verify the existence of meaning in the string of characters. If researchers randomly switched characters in their model or transplanted a hieroglyph from one set of characters to a sequence on another artifact, the likelihood of the new sequence matching the predicted language and its patterns dropped quickly. These findings provide more evidence that Indus writing follows a consistent set of rules.

    It seems to be adaptable as well. Given that seals with sequences of these characters have been uncovered in both the Indus and Mesopotamian regions. However, the signs there are ordered differently from those from the Indus Valley, suggesting that the identical symbol sequences may have had a distinct meaning in that region. The possibility that the Indus script may have been used to express a variety of themes in western Asia is an intriguing finding. The concept that the hieroglyphs were only religious or political symbols is hard to square with the available evidence.

    The meaning of the mysterious symbols, and whether or not they represent actual writing, are still mysteries. In this case, archaeologists and linguists are banking on luck in the shape of fresh discoveries that may provide more insight. Nothing will be certain until a multilingual tablet, a type of Indus Rosetta Stone, is discovered.

    How peaceful was Indus Valley Civilization?

    Archaeological digs in the town remnants have uncovered no indications of conflict or violence, neither in the destruction of structures nor in combat scenes on art items or pottery, which has long been one of the most remarkable elements of the mysterious Indus civilization. No signs of a superior or subordinate caste or a governing elite were to be found.

    Therefore, it was theorized that the Indus civilization was structured more like a “grassroots government,” in which the populace gave political and religious leaders little power and the social order was relatively flat. As a result, it was assumed that very little physical force was required to maintain order in society.

    However, throughout the summer of 2012, archaeologists discovered objects that broke, or at least severely rattled, the picture of the empire as a place of peace. 160 corpses from three Harappan tombs were analyzed by a team of experts headed by Gwen Robbins Schug of Appalachian State University in Boone. Numerous traces of severe injuries were discovered, most notably in bones dating to the late Indus civilization era (ca. 1900–1700 BC).

    Signs of beatings and fightings

    15 percent or more of the skulls in a tomb from this time period showed signs of violence, such as cracks or fractures in the top of the skull from a hit from a blunt weapon or other damage to the bones. A male in his mid-30s had a broken nose and a cut across his forehead from a sharp weapon, and a lady had been battered to death, judging by the fractured skull.

    The skull trauma does not seem to have resulted from an accident or to be consistent with postmortem trauma. Experts say the evidence points inexorably to violent interactions between people. They claim that women and children were disproportionately affected by such violence at that period. The researchers concluded that the level of violence in Harappa was very high, even by city standards, and was the highest of any Southeast Asian region at the time. That begs the question, why?

    Turmoil and violence

    By comparing them to tombs and corpses from previous eras of the Indus civilization, researchers were able to deduce that signs of violence were, in fact, exceedingly uncommon. It seems that murder and manslaughter were very rare even when Harappa had more than 30,000 residents. However, something shifted about 1900 B.C., and the Indus civilization started to crumble.

    This era was a time of social upheaval all throughout the known world, as many towns were abandoned and people moved out of the countryside. The rise in hostility and violence may be traced back to this period of change and the stress and uncertainty it produced among the populace.

    The inhabitants of Harappa’s metropolis clearly experienced regular bouts of war and hardship. This shows that, at least during this time period, the Indus Empire was not a very peaceful one.

    What caused the demise of the Indus Valley Civilization?

    The fall of the Indus civilization is baffling, as is the fall of many other early great civilizations. Why did this civilization, which once occupied 390,000 square miles (1 million square km) and accounted for up to 10 percent of the world’s population, go away over time? What caused people to abandon the Indus Valley’s major cities and, in many cases, the whole area after 700 years?

    There are many proposed explanations for this mystery, but there are only a few solid pieces of evidence. Social upheaval, invasions by neighboring peoples, and a reduction in commerce are all possible explanations that have been proposed by some experts. While some believe that internal strife or external threats to civilization led to its demise, others point to the weather as the likely culprit.

    Floods and dry seasons

    The Indus Valley and its tributaries were very fertile at the period of the Indus culture, providing abundant opportunities for proper agriculture to feed even bigger towns. Nonetheless, the glacial meltwater from the Himalayas and a considerably less predictable factor: the monsoon, were responsible for this fertile soil and water supply.

    In the upstream areas, near the rivers’ sources, the rain was heaviest during the wet season. This water then rolled down the rivers again, generating floods, as it does to this day in Bangladesh and Pakistan, in the form of flash floods and high tides. As was the case with the Nile at the same time, the fertile soil along the riverbanks was made possible by the river’s periodic flooding.

    However, unlike ancient Egyptians and even Mesopotamian societies, those who lived in the Indus Valley reportedly didn’t try to manage and regulate these floods by means of irrigation systems. A traditional irrigation farming system has not left any traces that we can find. Could this have been the beginning of the downfall?

    Did the monsoon contribute to the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization?

    How did weather contribute to the demise of the Indus civilization? After all, other sophisticated cultures like the Maya and the Khmer Empire at Angkor Wat fell victim to dry seasons, too. In fact, in 2012, researchers uncovered Indus culture-related data supporting the same thing.

    The researchers began by developing a computerized topography model of the Indus Valley, which was done by Liviu Giosan of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution and his colleagues. The researchers dug pits and sifted through the silt to piece together the history of the region and the river movements within it. University College London co-author Dorian Fuller discusses how the discovery of this geological data allowed the team to integrate prior knowledge of Indus communities, climate, and agricultural practices.

    Climate-friendly, at least initially

    The results of the analysis showed that the climate had a major impact on the development of the Indus civilization. Several centuries passed before the first settlements were established in this area, and the environment gradually became drier as a result. The researchers estimate that the height of this dry era occurred about 3200 B.C., which is also when the Indus civilization started to develop.

    They believe this is not a coincidence, since climatic change during this period reduced the severity of flash floods along the Indus and its tributaries, but still caused sufficient flooding to enrich the soil in the areas close to the rivers. In particular, the fertile soil and plentiful water supply in the plains where the Indus meets its three connected tributaries—the Jhelum, the Chenab, and the Ravi—made for abundant crops.

    Harappa, too, called this place home, since it was nestled within a chain of hills not far from the river’s lush floodplains. Further to the northeast, in the Ghaggar-Hakra river system’s basin, a second population center emerged. The monsoon rains were the primary supply of water for these rivers, not the melting snow. That’s why experts say there weren’t any devastating spring floods, but there was plenty of water throughout the rainy season.

    The Himalayas provide a safe haven

    Unfortunately, this paradise did not endure. Actually, the drought became much worse. As the monsoon moved east, the Ganges area began receiving more precipitation than the Indus basin. Around 1900 B.C., the Indus River and its tributaries became less prone to catastrophic floods, and large swaths of the southern Ghaggar-Hakra river system were without water for months at a time.

    “The expansion of Indus Civilization-era communities near the Ghaggar-Hakra system’s birthplace can also be explained by this,” Giosan says. It’s because even at the foot of the Himalayas, there were still modest floods that permitted at least one harvest a year. However, this repeated climatic change proved disastrous for the tens of thousands of people living in the lowlands’ megacities. As a result, the fields’ ability to provide for the ever-increasing food needs of the populace was severely compromised by the arid weather.

    Time to emigrate

    If water was becoming more limited, then why didn’t the people of Harappa and the other settlements at least create an irrigation system? Because they could have done something far less difficult. The people of the Indus were able to expand into the wetter lands to the east, towards the Ganges River, whereas the people of Mesopotamia and Egypt were hemmed in by deserts and arid plains. Nonetheless, this movement reduced the overall population density in the Indus Valley.

    As the water supply dwindled, people increasingly stopped living in cities and instead settled in smaller communities. It’s likely that society at the time was particularly susceptible to various forms of disruption because of the severity with which the environment had changed. But even this doesn’t explain all that went wrong with the Indus civilization in a single, deterministic explanation. Therefore, it is still not officially known what caused the Indus civilization to collapse.

  • When Was Clothing First Worn?

    When Was Clothing First Worn?

    For archaeologists interested in the history of clothes and footwear, a major roadblock is presented by the great fragility of the remains. Even so, there are a few unusual findings, usually in the form of traces or prints or extremely tenuous inferences about their likely existence. But it looks like ancient clothing must be a daily practice of our ancestors, even though we lack the clarity to track their evolution. Let’s interpret the evolution of prehistoric clothing.

    They decompose rapidly

    Clothing does more than only keep us safe; it also stamps us as individuals in both history and the present. As well as its practical uses, clothing also have social and symbolic purposes. The diachronic history of clothing is essential for the prehistoric anthropologist, since it documents the transition from one style to the next, the acculturation of one group by another at a specific period, and the acceptance or imitation of new clothing conventions.

    Despite being ubiquitous in modern society, clothes and footwear technologies are notoriously difficult to unearth in archaeological digs due to their rapid decomposition. This is the beauty and the sorrow of Paleo-Mesolithic archaeology: with very few exceptions, we have only a little evidence of the existence of soft and worked materials derived from animals (fur, skins, leathers, ties) or plants (braided fibers, sewed threads).

    otzi 1
    Ötzi and his clothes

    The so-called iceman Ötzi was discovered with a leather quiver, leather clothes, and fur headgear. However, it was sometimes impossible to establish the origin of the components due to their advanced state of degradation. Since no clothing remnants have been directly passed down to us, we can only highlight a few unusual findings, frequent traces, prints, or extremely indirect conclusions of their likely existence.

    Adaptation to the cold

    The tropics and the equator are known for their high rates of near-naked inhabitants (Fuegians), yet this extreme lifestyle is not limited to those places. Covering up is primarily an adaptation to the cold that occurred simultaneously with the spread of hominins to the high latitudes of the Northern Hemisphere.

    According to anthropologists, the lack of fur might be the driving factor in the development of clothing. This would have been the beginning of the evolution of complex shapes better fitted to withstand the cold among human communities, which would have occurred in tandem with the development of more specialized tools.

    “Paleo-lice” for the evolution of clothing

    Lices are a particularly useful hint since they are indirect and unanticipated. The systematic wearing of clothes appears to be originated in the Middle Paleolithic period in North Africa, according to genetic analyses of human body lice and their derivation from head lice.

    The genetic analyses of lice in clothes enable us to determine the time period in which humans might have acquired clothes first, which is anywhere from 84,000 to 107,000 years ago (the start of the latest ice age or the Last Glacial Period) or perhaps the preceding ice age cycle (170,000 years ago).

    Miniature traces left on fabric

    The Ötzi mummy, found by stupefaction in the Ötztal Alps on the Italian-Austrian border in 1991, is one of the most extraordinary findings of prehistory, or more accurately, the Late Neolithic. Incredibly, the fully attired man was only dated between 3300 and 3350 BC.

    In Georgia’s Dzudzuana cave, wild flax fibers and bovid hair dating back between 31,000 and 13,000 years were found. And weaving baskets or making clothes out of these fibers would have been possible.

    Other forms of indirect evidence, such as prints or imprints of clothes, give detailed information about prehistoric sartorial habits. Although such evidence is difficult to come across, when it does it allows us to see how people’s lives, fashions, and social mores have changed through time.

    Thus, there are textile imprints found on the pieces of baked clay at Pavlov and Dolni Vestonice (Czech Republic) between 31,000 and 30,000 years ago. Exciting summaries of this topic have been produced by American anthropologists sometime ago (PDF).

    Also, there are impressions of what could be fur clothing in the Wahl Gallery of the Fontanet Cave (in France) from the Magdalenian period and dated to 14,000 years ago.

    The earliest prehistoric shoes

    Theopetra Cave
    The footprints found in the Theopetra Cave.

    And what about the first shoes, or possibly the sandals? Children’s shoeprints from 135,000 years ago, when Neanderthals were expanding across Europe, were preserved in Greece’s Theopetra Cave.

    Scientists investigated the footprints of a group of Gravettians who visited the Dordogne cave of Cussac about 30,000 years ago and left tracks in the clay floor of the cave. Experiments led them to conclude that the shoes were worn, thus it was concluded that naked feet were not present in the area.

    the Cussac footprints
    The Cussac footprints. (Source: Nature)

    Given the technological sophistication of these cultures and the periglacial environment of the recent Paleolithic, the presence of bare feet would actually look peculiar.

    Multiple sites in West America (Oregon, Nevada, California) have yielded a large number of plant-fiber sandals that have been dated to the late Pleistocene/early Holocene. The Paleo-Indian braided sandal, which dates back to between 10,000 and 11,000 years ago (Fort Rock Cave, Elephant Mountain Cave), has been documented by a number of scholars, some of whom have even proposed a typology and geography of the footwear.

    Examples like these are few during the Paleolithic eras in Europe. The Areni-1 Cave in Armenia yielded the first direct examples of “archaeological” shoes in Europe, dating back to between 3627 and 3377 BC, similar to the age of Ötzi (5,300 years old) and other indirect imprints.

    early shoe
    Areni-1 Cave prehistoric shoe.

    Tools for making clothes

    Even if the clothing’ fibers deteriorate and disintegrate over time, the equipment used to produce them can still provide useful information. The first clothes were likely made between 120,000 and 90,000 years ago, as shown by an examination of bone tools discovered in Morocco’s Smugglers’ Cave.

    To be sure, early modern humans, like their Neanderthal counterparts, understood the manipulation of skins to change them into leather (“proto-tanning”) or their direct usage as fur, as shown by the caves at Pech de l’Azé I, Combe-Capelle, Dordogne (60,000–45,000 years old).

    While these early implements are not direct proof that real clothes were being made, they do show that skins were being worked and used in various ways to cover the body and decorate dwellings. The remains of carnivores that were killed and skinned rather than eaten, point in the same general direction.

    Yet, there is one of these indirect technical hints—the eyed needle—that definitively shows that clothing was made: A needle and thread can be threaded through the openings, allowing the user to stitch together two pieces of fabric to create a garment or blanket. This tool, whose shape and purpose have not altered since the Paleolithic era (albeit the material, currently steel, was bone back then), was first reported in a limited sense in Europe during the Solutrean period, some 24,000 years before the present.

    It has been stated that an even earlier object, from the Denisova cave in the Russian Altai, dates back 45,000 years. However, this figure is still up for question.

    The funerary adornment sewed on clothes

    On the other hand, the beads that were strung on garments back in the day have survived to this day because they were constructed of durable materials like boneivory, and stone. They testify to the use of first sewed and embroidered clothing and bonnets with the remains of the dead in their original location. 

    One of the most remarkable pieces of evidence of the use of clothing is found in the lavish graves of Sungir (near Wladimir, 118 mi / 190 km east of Moscow, Russia). We can only marvel at the wealth and ingenuity of these burial clothes after seeing the intricate arrangement of thousands of beads found on the bodies of Sungir’s dead, whose dates vary from 34,500 to 32,600 years.

    Similarly, the remarkable headgear stitched with hundreds of beads and found in the double grave in Grimaldi (Children’s Grotto), Italy, dates back 14,000 to 15,000 years.

    Paleolithic art with clothing, headdresses, necklaces or bracelets

    Malta statuettes
    Mal’ta statuettes

    Numerous sculptures and engravings show the use of textiles or what can be textiles, such as headdresses or bracelets. Certain female figurines, often referred to as “Venus,” have been successfully dated to the Gravettian era, namely the latter stages of the period’s middle and later periods (31,000 to 26,000 years ago).

    This includes the statuettes from Willendorf (Austria) and the Czech or Russian equivalents from Dolni Vestonice, Pavlov, and Kostyonki, as well as Brassempouy and the bas-relief sculptures from Laussel (France). In place of stylish hair, they seem to be wearing some kind of headdress, bonnet, or mesh covering on their heads.

    Belts are seen being worn by one of the female Cussac figures (Kostyonki), and necklaces and bracelets are also shown. The Mal’ta and Buret’ statuettes from Siberia, west of Baikal in Russia, date back just 23,000 years; they are fully clothed, suggesting the use of sophisticated clothing if not tattoos or scarification.

    Images of similar adornments, often on nude bodies, are likewise well-known to the Magdalenian culture (in the Isturitz cave, in the Basque Country, and in the Laugerie-Basse shelters, in the Dordogne, in particular).

    This evidence and findings demonstrate a fundamental truth: clothing production is a prehistoric activity, possibly practiced by several human species, and which has evolved through time. So far, the most impressive Paleolithic artifacts regarding the earlier clothes and shoes are located in Russia and Siberia.

    Over time, clothing has evolved to reflect several demographics, temporal, and social characteristics of a given human population, social group, or culture beyond its original, solely defensive role. Especially if we count the embellishments on the garments.