Tag: ancient rome

How Did the Roman Army Gain Control of the Italian Peninsula?
February 23, 2025
Ammianus Marcellinus: The Military Historian
January 26, 2025
Cicero: The Greatest Statesman of Ancient Rome
Marcus Tullius Cicero, known as Cicero (106-43 BCE), was a Roman writer, philosopher, lawyer, prodigious orator, and statesman, and one of the greatest figures in the history of ancient Rome. A fervent defender of the values of the Res publica, born four centuries before him, his life took place during the period of crises and civil wars that the Roman Republic was going through, which ended with his assassination. Cicero’s influence on Latin culture was considerable, affecting both the field of oratory, of which he was the first theorist, and political and moral philosophy.
Cicero’s Youth
Born into a plebeian family elevated to the equestrian rank, Marcus Tullius Cicero was born in 106 BCE in Arpinum, a small town located halfway between Rome and Naples. He was sent to Rome for his studies, where he was trained in Greek classics and introduced to public affairs. The Social War (90-88 BCE) erupted during his training, and he joined the army at the age of seventeen. He was placed under the command of Sulla and met Pompey, with whom he would remain closely connected. Military service was essential for a political career in Rome, but Cicero was not particularly drawn to military life. He left the army at the end of the conflict in 88 BCE to return to his studies, while Marius and Sulla fought for power, plunging the Republic into its first civil war.
Cicero completed his education by studying law, history, philosophy, dialectic, and rhetoric. He followed the teachings of Epicureans, Stoics, and Platonists and spent a few years in Athens to perfect his education. He became a master of oratory, both in his diction and the quality of his arguments. Cicero was a Homo novus, a citizen whose ancestors had never held public office, but his marriage to Terentia, a woman from the wealthy and influential Roman family, the Terentii, opened doors to the high aristocracy. This network of alliances was essential for rising through the Cursus honorum, the Roman path to public offices.
An Engaged Roman Citizen
Cicero won his first trial in 81 BCE in a succession case involving parricide. When he was old enough to apply for public offices, he began his ascent through the Cursus honorum. In 75 BCE, he was elected quaestor in Sicily. In 70 BCE, he gained popularity by defending the Sicilians and winning his case against the Roman statesman Gaius Licinius Verres, who was involved in numerous thefts and corruption scandals.
This case truly marked his entry into judicial and political life. Cicero presented himself as a lawyer committed to fighting corruption and published the Verrines, a collection of speeches against Verres.
In 66 BCE, he became praetor, one of the highest Roman magistrates, representing the centrist path of the Viri boni (“men of good”) between the optimates, who were conservative and aligned with the aristocracy, and the populares, who were reformers sensitive to popular and social demands. The first defended class interests, while the latter often succumbed to populism. Today, this could be simplified as a division between the right and the left.
The Conspiracy of Catiline
In 63 BCE, Cicero was elected consul, defeating Senator Lucius Sergius Catilina. Catiline already had a dubious past. In 66 BCE, he had conspired to give the dictatorship to Marcus Licinius Crassus, the general who defeated Spartacus and the wealthiest man in Rome. Furious at his failure to win the consulship, this time Catiline wanted to seize power personally. Presenting himself as a defender of the oppressed, he took advantage of Pompey’s absence, who was campaigning in Asia, and relied on the frustrations of a portion of the Roman nobilitas and provincial notables to organize a coup.
Cicero was informed of this plot and, on November 8, 63 BCE, he addressed the Senate, harshly confronting Catiline: “How long, Catiline, will you abuse our patience?” In this speech, in which he exposed the details of the conspiracy and the threat it posed to the security of the state, he uttered the famous proverbial phrase O tempora! O mores! (“Oh what times, what customs“).
Exposed, Catiline defended himself clumsily and was forced to leave the assembly amid jeers from the senators. That evening, he fled Rome to join a camp in Etruria, where he had begun assembling troops. In the following weeks, the names and plans of the conspirators were quickly revealed through investigations, and they were all arrested, except for Catiline, who organized an uprising in Etruria. Senate sessions followed to decide their fate, and on December 5, after a final debate, they were sentenced to death without trial.
The execution took place immediately after the session, and Cicero sent the army to crush Catiline’s uprising. Unable to gather enough troops, Catiline fled towards Transalpine Gaul. He died on January 5, 62 BCE, during a violent battle in which all the conspirators were killed on the battlefield. Presenting himself as the savior of the homeland, Cicero announced to the people that, thanks to him, the conspiracy had been defeated.
Cicero on the Path to Exile
Hailed as Pater patriae (“Father of the Fatherland”), Cicero gained great popularity from these events, and the publication of the Catilinarians, the speeches he delivered in the Senate during this episode, further enhanced his prestige. Now a member of the Roman Senate, Cicero was also a wealthy man, owning a sumptuous domus (palace) on the Palatine Hill, several villae rusticae (agricultural estates) in the countryside, and comfortable villae urbanae (country residences) in the provinces.
However, his fortune, primarily based on land assets estimated at 13 million sesterces, was far from matching that of Rome’s wealthiest citizens, like Crassus, whose wealth sometimes exceeded 100 million sesterces. Moreover, his senatorial status prevented him from engaging in commercial or financial activities.
Though he had stepped back from political life, Cicero faced increasing criticism. His excessive vanity and self-praise irritated the Romans. When the First Triumvirate was formed—a secret political alliance between Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus—he refused to join. He also had political enemies, particularly the tribune of the plebs Publius Clodius Pulcher, who harbored a deep hatred for him. In 58 BCE, his enemies proposed a law condemning any magistrate who had executed a citizen without a proper trial, explicitly targeting Cicero for the execution of Catiline’s supporters.
Deprived of support, Cicero hastily left Rome the day before the vote on this law and took refuge in Dyrrachium (modern-day Albania). His domus was destroyed, and bloody clashes ensued between his supporters and opponents. Eventually, Pompey secured the passing of a law nullifying Cicero’s exile and restoring his property. After sixteen months of exile, on September 5, 56 BCE, he returned to Rome, where he received a triumphant welcome.
Return to Politics
Cicero attempts to return to politics, and without attacking the triumvirs directly, he targets their protégés. He calls for a Republic united by all the “good citizens,” where they would not necessarily have the leading role. In De Oratore, he emphasizes that a great orator must hold a prominent place in the city, and in De Re Publica, he hints that he sees himself as one of the guardians, if not the guardian, of the Republic. This doesn’t sit well with the triumvirs, who rein him in. Pompey reminds him of the protection he owes him, and Cicero is obliged to support, before the Senate, the extension of Julius Caesar’s proconsular authority over Gaul.
In 51 BC, Cicero is granted a proconsular mandate in Cilicia, a small Roman province in Asia Minor, which he governs, according to Plutarch, with a sense of integrity and justice, even though he takes on this role without much enthusiasm. He applies his philosophy of provincial governance, focused on peace and justice, particularly fiscal justice, eliminating unjust charges. However, he is forced to quell a revolt and raises troops. After two months of siege, the insurgents capitulate, and for this relatively modest achievement, Cicero is proclaimed imperator by his soldiers.
This title, given during the Roman Republic to victorious generals upon their return from military campaigns, inspires Cicero to seek a triumph when he returns to Rome, but that will not happen. He returns to Rome a year later, just as the civil war between Caesar and Pompey is about to break out. Crassus had died fighting the Parthians in 53 BC, and Pompey had taken advantage of Julius Caesar’s absence, who was occupied with his conquest of Gaul, to be named sole consul by the Senate.
Cicero was heavily influenced by Greek philosophy, particularly Stoicism, Platonism, and Epicureanism. He sought to adapt these schools of thought to Roman culture and politics. His philosophical works, such as “De Officiis” (On Duties), “De Re Publica” (On the Republic), and “De Legibus” (On the Laws), explored topics like morality, justice, and the ideal government, emphasizing the importance of virtue and the rule of law.
Civil War
In January 49 BC, declared an outlaw by the Senate, Julius Caesar crosses the Rubicon at the head of his legions and marches on Rome, while Pompey and his supporters flee. Caesar installs a Senate loyal to him, through which he obtains the consulship and then the dictatorship. He offers Cicero, who, like most senators, had fled Rome and taken refuge in one of his country houses, the role of mediator. Distressed by the civil war, which he views as a calamity, Cicero declines but sides with Pompey, whom he joins in Greece without participating in military operations.
After Caesar’s decisive victory over Pompey at Pharsalus in 48 BC, Cicero abandons the Pompeian camp and returns to Rome. Caesar shows kindness toward him, and Cicero praises his clemency. Their relationship remains cordial, but seeing the reality of Caesar’s absolute power and the end of the Republic, Cicero prefers to withdraw from politics.
Nevertheless, he writes the Eulogy of Cato, whom he calls the “last Republican,” to which Caesar responds with his Anti-Cato. Cicero’s personal life is also troubled. In 46 BC, he divorces his wife Terentia and soon after marries Publilia, a very wealthy young woman, whom he also divorces after the death of his daughter Tullia, which causes him profound grief.
Death of Cicero
Cicero then spends most of his time at his villa in Tusculum, dedicating himself to literature, philosophy, and even poetry. The assassination of Caesar on March 15, 44 BC, puts an end to this peaceful retreat. Hating Mark Antony, who positions himself as Caesar’s executor and takes power, Cicero defends the Republican cause and attacks Antony in a series of increasingly violent speeches, the Philippics. He tries to have Antony declared a public enemy by the Senate.
Cicero attempts to influence the young Octavian, but Octavian allies with Mark Antony and Lepidus to form the Second Triumvirate. The three men agree to avenge Caesar’s murderers, but also to eliminate their personal enemies. Mark Antony demands Cicero’s head, and Octavian allows it.
On December 7, 43 BC, Cicero is assassinated in his villa at Formia. His head and hands are cut off and displayed in the Forum in Rome by order of Mark Antony. His brother and nephew are executed shortly afterward, and only his son, who was in Macedonia at the time, escapes Mark Antony’s fury.
Works of Cicero
Due to the breadth, variety, and quality of his literary output, Cicero is considered the greatest classical Latin author. He left us a significant body of work, consisting of his legal pleadings and speeches, treatises on rhetoric, philosophical works, extensive private correspondence, and even poetic compositions. An exceptional orator, his rhetorical art had a significant influence on Western culture from Antiquity through the modern era.
Often considered merely a compiler of Greek philosophers, Cicero had made it his mission to popularize Greek philosophy in Latin for a Roman audience. In the political realm, judgments are more severe, and some historians have seen him as an intellectual lost amidst a den of political intrigue.
A staunch opponent of corrupt politicians and enemies of the state, such as Catiline, Cicero believed in the values of the Roman Republic and sought to preserve it from ambitious individuals and totalitarian tendencies. However, he could only watch helplessly as Pompey and Caesar rose to power.
Cicero: Key Dates
January 3, 106 BC: Birth of Cicero
Marcus Tullius Cicero, known as Cicero, was born on January 3, 106 BC, in Arpinum, Italy. He came from a wealthy and respected family due to their equestrian status. As a child, he studied Greek philosophy and later became a lawyer.
75 BC: Start of his political career
He began his political career by becoming quaestor in 75 BC, gradually climbing the ranks. In 69 BC, he became aedile, in 66 BC praetor, and in 63 BC he was elected consul. His political career was marked by his oratory skills, which earned him his reputation.
63 BC: The Catiline Conspiracy
Cicero had just been elected consul when his opponent, Catiline, decided to seek revenge by attempting to overthrow the government. Cicero managed to thwart his rival’s plans. His writings, the Catilinarians, bear witness to these events. He then had the conspirators executed without a public trial.
August 9, 48 BC: Pompey defeated by Caesar
Julius Caesar pursued and crushed the forces of his rival, Pompey, at Pharsalus in Thessaly. A year earlier, after Caesar had crossed the Rubicon (a river separating Gaul from Italy), Pompey and the senators had abandoned Rome and sailed for Greece. Defeated by Caesar, Pompey sought refuge in Egypt with Ptolemy XIII, but fearing Caesar’s retaliation, Ptolemy had him assassinated.
December 7, 43 BC: Assassination of Cicero
The Roman senator Marcus Tullius Cicero, known as Cicero, was killed near his villa in Formia by men loyal to Marc Antony, the new strongman of the Roman Empire. His head and hands were displayed on the rostrum. Since coming to power with Octavian and Lepidus (the triumvirate of November 11), Marc Antony had been determined to punish those who conspired against Caesar. Around a hundred orators were assassinated, just like Cicero.
September 27, 2024
8 Misconceptions About Ancient Rome
Romans Wore Togas
The traditional image of a Roman is that of a person wrapped in a white toga, proudly gazing at us from textbook illustrations or movie screens. However, as British archaeologist Alexandra Croom writes in her book Roman Clothing and Fashion, the toga was the primary garment of “a small number of people for a short period of time within a limited area of the empire.”
In fact, only Roman citizens had the right to wear wool togas. A Roman sent into exile lost this right, and foreigners were prohibited from wearing togas altogether.
To properly wear and maintain a toga, one needed a trained slave (or even several slaves). Therefore, only wealthy citizens could afford to wear togas daily. By the time of the late Republic and early Empire, as we learn from the writings of Martial (40–104 AD), togas were worn only on holidays and official occasions.
In everyday life, Romans preferred simple and comfortable clothing, such as the tunic — a shirt-like garment resembling a sack with holes for the head, arms, and torso, typically reaching the thighs (the toga was usually worn over it), as well as a cloak or mantle. Women wore the stola, a type of tunic that was wider, longer, pleated, and belted.
The Roman Empire Had Many Slaves, and They Lived Very Poorly
When people think of Roman slaves, they often imagine shackled individuals chained to the oars of Roman warships. However, only free men could serve in the Roman army and navy. Even slaves taken into the navy were granted freedom.
Slaves did not only perform heavy and dirty work: they were artisans, farmers, accountants, doctors, household servants, and teachers. Moreover, slaves could serve not only individual Roman citizens but also the state itself.
According to Roman beliefs, a slave had no personal identity, name, or ancestors, and thus no civil status. A slave could be sold (including to gladiatorial arenas and brothels), chained, and tortured. However, externally, slaves were indistinguishable from ordinary citizens. They dressed the same way, and the collars with the names of their masters, initially introduced for them, were quickly abolished. A slave could be freed and even obtain Roman citizenship. He could own property given to him by his master and conduct business.
Of course, this was not an enviable position, but it also didn’t resemble the fate of slaves depicted in films.
Moreover, as the empire expanded, efforts were made to legally combat cruelty toward slaves. Emperor Claudius freed slaves whose masters neglected them during illness. Later, it was forbidden to throw slaves to wild animals in gladiatorial arenas. Emperor Hadrian prohibited the arbitrary killing of slaves, their imprisonment, and their sale into prostitution and gladiatorial fights.
Despite several uprisings (the peak of which occurred during the height of slavery in the 2nd–1st centuries BC), slaves did not play a major role in Rome’s social conflicts. Free workers also fought in Spartacus’ army. Even in the 2nd–1st centuries BC, when slavery was most widespread, slaves made up only 35–40% of the population in Roman Italy. Throughout the empire, which stretched from the British Isles to Egypt, out of its 50–60 million inhabitants, only about five million (8–10%) were slaves.
Emperor Caligula Made His Horse a Consul
This famous story is often cited as an example of the decadence and excess of Roman rulers: Emperor Caligula supposedly made his horse Incitatus a senator. However, in reality, this never happened.
The myth originates from Roman History by Dio Cassius, who lived a century and a half after Caligula’s reign and was not particularly fond of him. But Cassius only mentions the emperor’s intention, not an actual event:
One of his horses, whom he called Incitatus, Gaius invited to dinner, during which he offered him golden barley and drank to his health from golden cups. He also swore by the life and fate of this horse and even promised to make him consul. And he undoubtedly would have done so had he lived longer.
Dio Cassius, Roman History, Book LIX.
Additionally, Gaius himself was a member of the college of priests of his own cult and appointed his horse as one of his companions; birds of exquisite and expensive breeds were sacrificed to him daily.
However, modern research even questions Caligula’s intention to make his horse a senator. In 2014, English researcher Frank Woods analyzed this story in an article published in an Oxford University journal. He concluded that Caligula’s joke, based on a play on words, was taken out of context. Another viewpoint suggests that Caligula used such antics to mock the senators’ greed and intimidate them.
The Death of Gladiators in the Arena – A Favorite Spectacle of the Romans
A wounded gladiator falls to the sand. The other warrior raises his sword over him and looks at the stands of the Colosseum. The roaring crowd gives the thumbs-down gesture. Blood spurts. This is the image often painted by films about Ancient Rome. However, it wasn’t exactly like that.
To begin with, the Romans’ favorite spectacle wasn’t actually gladiatorial combat, but chariot races. While the Colosseum could hold “only” 50,000 spectators, the Circus Maximus, according to modern estimates, could accommodate about 150,000 Romans.
The extent to which the inhabitants of the Eternal City loved chariot races is illustrated by the fact that the Roman charioteer Gaius Appuleius Diocles is considered the highest-paid athlete in history. Over his lifetime, he earned nearly 36 million sesterces, which is roughly equivalent to 2.6 tons of gold. Peter Struck, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania, estimates that today Diocles would have a fortune of about 15 billion dollars.
It’s also important to mention that most often in the arena, it wasn’t people but animals—often exotic ones—that were killed: lions, panthers, leopards, lynxes, elephants, rhinoceroses, and others. Major gladiatorial battles, like naumachia, could only be organized by emperors.
As for the likelihood of a gladiator dying in battle, it was about 1 in 10. Gladiators were specially bought and trained for combat, and some of them were even free men. Gladiators wore good armor, and in the case of injury in the arena, they were usually granted mercy.
It should also be noted that we don’t quite understand the gestures used in the arenas correctly. There is no unanimous opinion on what the extended thumb meant—whether it symbolized death or life. It is certain that the crowd didn’t decide the fate of the wounded; this was done by the emperor or, in his absence, the organizer of the games. Most likely, mercy was symbolized by a clenched fist, representing a sword sheathed in its scabbard, while the thumb, regardless of its position, likely meant a death sentence.
Nero Set Fire to Rome
Fire in Rome by Hubert Robert (1785)
One of the most famous myths in Roman history—that the Great Fire of Rome in 64 AD was caused by Emperor Nero (37–68 AD)—can be traced back to Roman historians themselves. The first to write about it was Suetonius (70–122 AD), who spoke just as unflatteringly of Nero as he did of his predecessor Caligula.
Somebody in conversation saying—“Nay,” said he, “let it be while I am living” [emou xontos]. And he acted accordingly: for, pretending to be disgusted with the old buildings, and the narrow and winding streets, he set the city on fire so openly, that many of consular rank caught his own household servants on their property with tow, and (368) torches in their hands, but durst not meddle with them. There being near his Golden House some granaries, the site of which he exceedingly coveted, they were battered as if with machines of war, and set on fire, the walls being built of stone.
Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Life of the Twelve Caesars, Book Six, Nero.
“Then followed a terrible calamity, whether accidental or instigated by the will of the princeps is not known (both views are supported by sources), but, in any case, it was the most severe and relentless of all the disasters ever to befall this city at the mercy of raging flames.”
Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals, Book XV.
To meet the needs of those displaced by the fire and left without shelter, Nero opened the Field of Mars, all the buildings associated with Agrippa, as well as his own gardens. Additionally, he hastily erected structures to accommodate the homeless masses. Food was brought from Ostia and nearby towns, and the price of grain was reduced to three sesterces.
Historians tend to agree with Tacitus. At the time, Rome was extremely overpopulated, and there were many flammable buildings. There is no direct evidence that Nero caused the fire (he wasn’t even in Rome when it started). On the one hand, upon learning about the fire, he helped the victims and developed a new building plan to prevent such fires in the future. On the other hand, soon after the fire, Nero began constructing a massive palace complex on the ashes, which, even in its unfinished state, astonished contemporaries.
The Inhabitants of Ancient Rome Were Engulfed in Orgies and Feasts
It is traditionally believed that the lives of wealthy Romans were full of indulgent feasts and gluttony. However, the reality was not quite like that.
Roman society was extremely conservative and traditional. Great importance was placed on mos maiorum—the “custom of the ancestors”—and modesty was one of the Roman virtues.
Since the alcohol content in wine (the primary drink of the time) was high, it was diluted with water before consumption. Drinking undiluted wine or in excessive amounts was considered the habit of barbarians and provincials.
Romans also washed their hands before meals and used napkins. They ate reclining, mostly using their hands. Bones and other inedible leftovers were thrown on the floor, which slaves later swept away. The food was fairly modest: the diet of wealthy people consisted mostly of vegetables, berries, game, grains, and poultry. During a feast, guests might entertain themselves with gambling.
However, moderation in food gradually disappeared during the late Republic. The tables of wealthy Romans began to feature delicacies like peacocks and flamingos. At the same time, morals became coarser, and gluttony and drunkenness became the norm. Still, this applied only to a narrow segment of the richest members of Roman society.
When it comes to orgies, the situation is also not so clear-cut. Ancient ethics viewed sexuality and its expressions differently. For example, the depiction of the phallus was not considered indecent, as it symbolized fertility and played an important role in the cults of agricultural gods.
At the same time, marriage held great significance for Romans—this was one of the differences between Rome and Ancient Greece. Roman women had more rights than Greek women, but also more responsibilities and accountability (for example, they were personally responsible for infidelity).
The Roman Empire Was the Largest in History
From the start, Romans were a nation of warriors. They conquered much of Europe and made the Mediterranean mare nostrum (“our sea”). At the height of its power, the Roman Empire stretched from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, but it was not the largest or greatest empire in history.
In terms of land area, the Roman Empire does not even rank among the top twenty largest states in history, falling behind, for example, the British, Mongol, and Russian empires.
Moreover, Rome does not rank in the top three largest states of antiquity. It was smaller than the contemporary Han Chinese state and the Hunnic Empire, from which the Han Chinese protected themselves with the Great Wall of China. The Roman Empire was also smaller than the earlier Achaemenid (Persian) Empire and the empire of Alexander the Great.
Roman Legionnaires Wore Red Clothing and Armor
In films and TV shows, Roman soldiers are always dressed in red. Indeed, such uniforms could help distinguish between friend and foe in battle, as well as exert psychological pressure on the enemy. However, in reality, there is no evidence that Roman legionnaires wore uniform scarlet equipment.
Red and purple clothing was only accessible to wealthy Romans and those in high positions. Martial, for example, wrote that red clothing was very rare. Therefore, unlike commanders, an ordinary soldier was unlikely to wear a bright tunic.
Legionnaires took care of their clothing themselves: they either bought it or received it in parcels from relatives. Typically, Roman soldiers wore short tunics, mostly made of wool. In the northern provinces, soldiers wore warmer tunics with long sleeves. A cloak (sagum) protected them from bad weather.
Although scarlet was the color of the god of war, Mars, the legionnaires’ clothing was most likely the natural color of wool: white, gray, brown, or black.
September 18, 2024
5 Facts About Roman Emperors: Both Funny and Scary
September 17, 2024
A Very Brief History of Architecture
The simplest architectural structure, known since the Neolithic era. From ancient times to the present day, it has been used in all buildings covered with flat or gabled roofs. In the past, wooden or stone beams were laid on posts made of the same materia—today, natural stone is replaced with metal and reinforced concrete.
Around 2500 BC: The Beginning of Column Design
Poulnabrone Dolmen, County Clare, Ireland. Image: Jon Sullivan, Public Domain
Ancient Egyptian architects remained faithful to the post-and-lintel system but gave meaning to architectural forms. The columns in their temples began to depict a palm tree, a lotus, or a bundle of papyrus. These stone “thickets” symbolize the afterlife forest, through which the souls of the deceased must pass to a new life. Thus, architecture became a visual art. Later, in Mesopotamia, architecture was also used to create large sculptures, but they preferred to sculpt bulls, griffins, and other creatures of the animal world.
Around 700 BC: Formation of the Classical Order
Greek Classical Orders: Doric – Ionic – Corinthian. Image: Exploring Art
The Greeks made architecture itself the theme of architecture as an art form, specifically focusing on the work of its structures. From this point forward, the supports of the post-and-lintel system not only decorated buildings but also visually demonstrated that they were supporting weight. These elements sought to evoke sympathy from viewers and, for greater credibility, mimicked the structure and proportions of human figures—male, female, or maiden.
This strictly logical system of supporting elements is called an order. Typically, three main orders are distinguished: Doric, Ionic, Corinthian.
Additionally, two supplementary orders are recognized: Tuscan, Composite.
The development of these architectural orders marks the birth of European architecture.
Around 70 AD: The Beginning of the Widespread Use of Arched Structures
The Grange, nearby Northington, England, by William Wilkins, 1804, Europe’s first house designed with all external detail of a Greek temple. Image: Wikimedia
The Romans began to widely use arches and arched structures (vaults and domes). While a horizontal beam can crack if it is too long, the wedge-shaped parts in an arch under load do not break but compress, and stone is difficult to destroy by pressure. Consequently, arched structures can cover much larger spaces and bear significantly heavier loads.
However, despite mastering the arch, Roman architects did not invent a new architectural language to replace the ancient Greek one. The post-and-lintel system (i.e., columns and the elements they support) remained on the facades, but often it no longer served a structural purpose, instead functioning solely as decoration. In this way, the Romans transformed the classical order into mere decor.
318: The Return of Early Christian Architects to Wooden Roof Trusses
The Colosseum, from “Speculum Romanae Magnificentiae”. Image: Met Museum
The fall of the Western Roman Empire brought down the economy of those territories we today call Western Europe. There was not enough money for constructing stone roofs, although there was a need for large buildings, primarily churches. Therefore, Byzantine builders had to return to wood and, with it, to the post-and-lintel system. The rafters—the structures under the roof, where some elements (braces), according to geometric laws, work not on bending but on tension or compression—were made of wood.
532: The Beginning of the Use of Domes on Pendentives by Byzantine Architects
St. Peter’s Basilica in Romei The engraving by Stefan du Pérac was published in 1569, five years after the death of Michelangelo.
A technological breakthrough in Byzantine architecture was placing a dome, invented back in Ancient Rome, not on round walls enclosing the inner space but on four arches, with only four points of support. Between the arches and the dome ring, double-curved triangles—pendentives—were formed. (In churches, they often depict the evangelists Matthew, Luke, Mark, and John—the four pillars of the church.) In particular, thanks to this construction, Orthodox churches have the appearance we are familiar with.
Around 1030: The Return to Arched Vault Construction in Romanesque Architecture
The dome of St. Sophia Cathedral in Istanbul. Image: A.Savin, Wikipedia
By the beginning of the second millennium AD, powerful empires were emerging in Europe, each considering itself the heir of Rome. The traditions of Roman architecture were revived. Magnificent Romanesque cathedrals were again covered with arched structures, similar to ancient ones—stone and brick vaults.
1135: Gothic Architects Give Arched Structures a Pointed Shape
East front of Speyer Cathedral, Germany. Image: Immanuel Giel , CC BY-SA 3.0
Arches and arched structures have a serious drawback: they tend to “spread out.” Before Gothic architecture, architects combated this effect by building thick walls. Then, a new technique emerged: arches and vaults began to be made pointed. A structure of this shape exerts more downward force onto supports than sideways pressure. Furthermore, this system was supported on the sides by special “bridges”—flying buttresses—which extended from freestanding columns called buttresses. Consequently, the walls were freed from all loads, made lighter, or even eliminated entirely, giving way to glass paintings known as stained glass windows.
1419: During the Renaissance, Baroque, and Classicism, Styles Are Formed Regardless of New Structural Innovations
Orléans Cathedral: choir and nave seen from the choir. Image: Wikimedia, CC BY-SA 4.0
The Renaissance gave the world the greatest domes, but from this moment on, large styles no longer arose primarily due to construction innovations but rather as a result of changes in the worldview. Renaissance, Mannerism, Baroque, Rococo, Classicism, and Empire were born more due to philosophers, theologians, mathematicians, and historians (and to some extent those who introduced fashionable manners) than to inventors of new roof structures. Until the Industrial Revolution, innovations in construction technologies ceased to be the determining factor in changing styles.
1830: The Beginning of the “Railroad Fever” Led to the Widespread Use of Metal Structures in Construction
View of the Piazza Sancti Annunciatore. Painting by Giuseppe Zocchi
Rails, initially intended only for railroads, turned out to be an ideal building material from which strong metal structures are easily created. The rapid development of land steam transport contributed to the growth of rolled metal production capacities, ready to provide engineers with any number of channels and I-beams. The frames of high-rise buildings are still made from such parts today.
1850: Glass Becomes a Full-fledged Building Material
The Duke of Wellington’s train and other locomotives being readied for departure from Liverpool, 15 September 1830
The factory production of large-sized window glass made it possible to develop construction technologies first for large greenhouses and then for grandiose buildings for other purposes, in which either all the walls or roofs were made of glass. Fairy-tale “crystal palaces” began to come to life.
1861: The Beginning of Industrial Use of Reinforced Concrete
The Crystal Palace at Sydenham Hill, London. It was designed by Sir Joseph Paxton for the Great Exhibition of 1851 and rebuilt in 1852–54 at Sydenham Hill but was destroyed in 1936. Image: BBC Hulton Picture Library
Attempts to reinforce concrete date back to Ancient Rome. Metal rods for reinforcing roofs began to be actively used from the beginning of the 19th century. In the 1860s, a gardener named Joseph Monier, while searching for a way to make garden tubs more durable, accidentally discovered that embedding metal reinforcement in concrete significantly increased the strength of the resulting element. In 1867, the invention was patented and subsequently sold to professional engineers who developed methods for using this innovative technology.
However, the enterprising gardener was only one of several pioneers of this new construction technology. For instance, in 1853, French engineer François Coignet built a house entirely of reinforced concrete, and in 1861 he published a book on its application.
1919: The Integration of All Technological Capabilities in a New “Modern” Style
Le Corbusier’s Esprit Nouveau pavilion in Paris, 1925. Image: Public Domain
In his manifesto published in the magazine “L’Esprit Nouveau,” Le Corbusier, one of the leading modernist architects, formulated five principles of modern architecture. These principles returned architecture to ancient ideals—not externally but fundamentally. The image of the building once again truthfully reflected the work of structures and the functional purpose of volumes.
By the beginning of the 20th century, facade decoration was perceived as deceit. There was a need to return to the origins, drawing inspiration from ancient Greek temples that honestly depicted the work of structures. However, modern roofs were now made of reinforced concrete, whose significance lies in its ability to resist tearing where a part is subjected to bending, thanks to embedded reinforcement. Consequently, modern structures could span almost any width.
As a result, buildings could be entirely devoid of columns and decorations, featuring continuous glazing and thus acquiring the “modern look” familiar to us today.
September 6, 2024
Fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476: History, Causes and Consequences
March 18, 2024
Commodus: Reign of Rome’s Gladiator Emperor
Commodus was a Roman emperor (180-192), the son of Emperor Marcus Aurelius. His reign was characterized by violence and debauchery. In Roman historiography, the Nerva–Antonine dynasty, to which Commodus belonged, is considered the zenith of the Roman Empire.
The emperors of this period, including Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus, are generally portrayed, with a few exceptions, as competent rulers. Marcus Aurelius, who concludes this list (his co-emperor Verus having died in 169), symbolizes the concept of a moderate emperor. However, his succession gave rise to a complex series of events in which the gladiator emperor was not the sole architect.
—>Commodus’ reign is often seen as a turning point in Roman history, symbolizing the decline of the Nerva-Antonine dynasty and the onset of the Crisis of the Third Century. His rule is considered a contributing factor to the challenges faced by the Roman Empire in the subsequent years.
Commodus: A Birth in Purple
Commodus. Image: CC0.
Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus was born on August 31, 161, just as his father, Marcus Aurelius, ascended to the throne of the Empire with Lucius Verus. He received an excellent education quickly, with many tutors among the most renowned of the time undertaking the education of the young prince. We can easily observe that the emperor was undoubtedly preparing his son to succeed him, although this was not the norm in imperial succession.
Indeed, at that time, the Nerva-Antonine dynasty was purely artificial in our contemporary view, with emperors rarely having family ties. The prevailing practice was the adoption of the one the emperor deemed most worthy to succeed him, as Nerva did with Trajan. The hereditary succession between Marcus Aurelius and Commodus appears to be unique to that era.
The Romans had experienced numerous incidents with emperors inheriting power from their fathers, such as Domitian. Herodian, highly nostalgic for the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the philosopher emperor par excellence, full of temperance and virtue, the symbol of a good emperor, describes the reservations the ailing emperor may have had about handing over the Empire to his son.
He speaks of concerns about the young age of the prince and the risk posed by the loss of a father, the pater familias, whose authority had greatly weakened since the early days of the Republic but remained crucial for the Romans. The young man found guidance from his father to become a moderate man: “He is barely entering adolescence, and in this stormy sea of life, he needs wise pilots to guide his inexperience and prevent him from straying from the right path to break against the reefs of vice” (Herodian I, 4). He also mentions the risk of barbarians, already very dangerous during his reign, who could take advantage of the new emperor’s inexperience to attack.
However, as Marcus Aurelius lay dying, he gathered his close associates, high dignitaries of the Empire, and his son. He urged them to take the greatest care of their son’s education and replace him in his role as a father. Under no circumstances did the emperor wish to entrust the Empire to another, as was customary.
Designated, Commodus thus began his reign with the legitimacy of heredity and education suited to his task, well explained in his words: “Today fate calls me to succeed him on the throne, not like those princes, my predecessors, who, strangers to power, reached it proud of their fortune. Alone, I was born; I was raised for you near the throne; my cradle was not that of an obscure child; at the moment of leaving my mother’s womb, the imperial purple embraced me, and the sun saw me both a man and a monarch” (Herodian I, 5). Hence, we clearly see that the prince’s assumption of power is by no means an impulsive act but a deliberate intent of Marcus Aurelius.
Early Reign of Commodus
Gold signet ring with portrait of Commodus, found in Tongeren (Belgium), Gallo-Roman Museum of Tongeren.
Shortly after death, Commodus was introduced to the soldiers, as was customary, with the power of imperium originally designating the authority to command, especially over the soldiers. On this occasion, Commodus, in his discourse, informs us that Marcus Aurelius exposed him to the troops and confronted him with military matters, as that is where the emperor should be during times of war.
Subsequently, the new prince received counsel from his father’s advisors until characters, described as vile flatterers by Herodian, began to corrupt the prince by introducing him to various delights and pleasures. On this matter, one can question the orientation of these men, primarily in relation to the ideological stance of the majority of the Roman nobility then in power.
Indeed, Marcus Aurelius and many writers of the time were staunch Stoics, individuals who made their existence a pursuit of virtue through the mastery of the body and emotions while rejecting pleasures. This philosophy directly influenced Christian morality. Other past monarchs of the dynasty, as well as many others, also had a certain sympathy for this philosophical orientation. However, the pursuit of pleasure was an opposing view found in Epicureanism. Therefore, one can undoubtedly question the choices of the young prince and his friends and thus the hatred that his choices will provoke.
Commodus even questioned his father’s associates with these words: “When will you cease, they said, O our august master, to drink icy water, drawn with effort from the bosom of the earth? Others will peacefully enjoy these lukewarm springs, these cool streams, these zephyrs, and this sky that only Italy possesses.” But this was hardly in line with the political realities of the moment; Marcus Aurelius had indeed died on the Danubian borders, leaving his son to finish the war. However, Commodus wished to return to Rome, which he did, delegating the defense of the borders to his generals.
Influence of Perennius and the Attempt on His Life
Marble statue of Lucilla depicted as Ceres, 150–200 AD.
Upon arriving in the city of Rome, the crowd pressed in to meet him and paid him a vibrant homage. The senators welcomed him, and he visited the temples before finally retiring to his palace. His reign followed the precepts of his father, heeding the advice of high-ranking individuals. However, Herodian speaks of a man, Perennius, whose military talents led Commodus to appoint him as the commander of the Praetorian Guard. According to the author, Perennius made slanderous accusations against the former advisors of Marcus Aurelius. Yet it was his sister, Lucilla, formerly married to Lucius Verus, who, along with her then-husband Pompianus, first conspired against Commodus.
The hired assassin, Quintianus, rushed at Emperor Commodus with a dagger in hand outside the amphitheater, proclaiming, this is what the Senate sends you! (Herodian, I, 8). Arrested by the guards and killed on the spot, the man had, according to Herodian, initiated a change in Commodus’s attitude, especially towards the Senate. Perennius then seized the opportunity to eliminate his rivals, up to Lucilla, and thus exert his influence on the prince. However, soon his influence crumbled; indeed, his son, commanding troops in Illyria, had coins struck in his image, displaying a certain imperial pretension. Commodus had both of them eliminated. From then on, he chose two individuals to command the Praetorian Guard.
Troubles Sown by Maternus
Maternus, initially designated as a soldier, embarks on increasingly large-scale brigandage operations in both Gaul and Spain. Commodus reprimands his generals for these actions and gives them instructions to put down the uprising. Meanwhile, Maternus, having crossed into Italy, harbors imperial ambitions. In the capital, an event could play in his favor:
Every year, on a set day at the beginning of spring, the Romans celebrate a festival in honor of the mother of the gods [Cybele]. All the valuable trappings of each deity, the imperial treasures, and marvelous objects of all kinds, both natural and man-made, are carried in procession before this goddess. Free license for every kind of revelry is granted, and each man assumes the disguise of his choice. No office is so important or so sacrosanct that permission is refused anyone to put on its distinctive uniform and join in the revelry, concealing his true identity; consequently, it is not easy to distinguish the true from the false.
Source: Herodian, I, 10.
He aimed to conceal himself and his accomplices in the crowd and assassinate the emperor. He was betrayed by his men, who, according to Herodian, could not endure obeying him, considering him nothing more than a brigand like themselves.
Tormented Roman Emperor and Cleander
In any case, the foiled assassination increasingly diverted Commodus from the conduct of state affairs. He rarely stayed in Rome from then on. Moreover, a resurgence of the plague, a generic term used by ancient authors to refer to contagious diseases—in this case, a resurgence of the disease brought from Persia by the soldiers of Lucius Verus—struck again in the Empire. On the advice of his physicians, Commodus went to Laurentum, a place known for its salubrity.
At the same time, Cleander, a freedman of the emperor—that is, a former slave who owed his freedom to his former master—had become very close to Commodus and provided close services to the prince. Herodian recounts that he wanted to gain the favor of all to enjoy more power and fame. It seems that this was the reason that led him to buy large quantities of wheat, later distribute it, and present himself as a savior.
This practice is not unfamiliar to antiquity; in Athens, the wheat merchants, bringing it from the Black Sea, used to wait for famine to declare in the city to unload and thus raise prices. Cleander’s intentions, regardless of his ultimate goal, caused hunger in Rome.
The people then went to the imperial residence to demand explanations from the emperor, who was unaware of the situation. The freedman then ordered the cavalry guard to charge the crowd, massacring some of the assembled people.
The disorder led to a general stampede that resulted in the deaths of many more people. Herodian is indignant at such behavior, expressing what a disgrace it was to shed the blood of Roman citizens. The skirmish continued in Rome itself, where the crowd, from the roofs to the streets, made the soldiers pay for the deaths of their own. Given the magnitude of the event, the author is undoubtedly exaggerating. Finally informed by another of his sisters, Fadilla, Commodus summoned Cleander and immediately had his head cut off and carried to the scene of the tumult to put an end to the clashes.
Gladiator Emperor
Commodus entered Rome, despite his fears, and eased tensions. Herodian then extensively elaborates on the vices of the prince, aligning precisely with everything virtuous men despised. He emphasizes the emperor’s behavior, engaging in chariot races, participating in venationes—the hunting of wild animals—and even stepping into the arena as a gladiator.
It is essential to note that, during this period, young individuals of noble lineage developed a taste for risk, the picturesque, and the wild aspects of life, indulging in various “exploits,” including gladiatorial combat. Commodus is not a departure from this somewhat rebellious trend.
—>While Commodus is one of the most well-known emperors to engage in gladiatorial combat, he was not the only one. Some earlier emperors, like Nero, had also participated in such events, but Commodus is particularly infamous for his enthusiasm for the arena.
Prodigies and Divination
Commodus as Hercules. Image: Capitoline Museum, CC0.
Wonders would have then occurred in great numbers in Rome, notably a fire. For the Romans, the interpretation of natural or non-natural events falls within the sacred domain. Haruspices can decipher these signs and determine whether they are positive or negative. In the mind of Herodian, when he composed his work, this element served to explain the future decline of Commodus as a divine will, conveyed to humans through these signs.
It was at this moment that the most megalomaniacal excesses of the emperor took on a particularly exuberant turn; he would have then proclaimed himself the son of Jupiter, calling himself Hercules and donning a lion’s skin, as observed in a bust that has reached us.
In any case, one thing is interesting here: Herodian strongly criticizes him, stating that he wore at the same time a tunic embroidered with gold and wealth. This is indeed an element that Roman traditions categorically rejected, as the emperor was not a king but a magistrate, the first among citizens.
However, by the end of the third century, Emperor Diocletian instituted the oriental ceremonial, with the attire of the prince becoming very rich, adorned with embroidery, gold, and precious stones, as well as the diadem, which was foreign to the early centuries of the Empire.
The future development of the reality of imperial dignity changes how Commodus behaved in a way that fits with how imperial power is becoming more open about its real power and pulling away from its republican roots.
Last Excesses
Indulging ever more openly in his passion for arena combat, Commodus eventually, as per Herodian, wearied the people who had previously admired him. His strong inclination for games led him to desire to appear fully armed in the arena during the Saturnalia festival, a true affront to imperial dignity for the Romans.
His close associates attempted to dissuade him from this course of action. Enraged, one evening he allegedly recorded a list of the names of senators and high-ranking officials he wished to see perish to ensure his tranquility. Marcia, his favored concubine, who had also tried to reason with him, found her name on the ominous list. However, a child attached to the prince entered his chamber and, in a playful manner, took possession of the tablets. Upon encountering Marcia, she recognized Commodus’s handwriting and discovered the emperor’s intent.
Herodian then provides what the concubine is said to have uttered, concluding with: “But a man always immersed in intoxication will not triumph over a sober woman” (Herodian, I, 17). This formulation is intriguing; the author distinctly contrasts sobriety, a fundamental virtue of a Stoic, with Commodus’s behavior, more aligned with an Epicurean approach.
Commodus’s Fall
Damnatio memoriae of Commodus on an inscription in the Museum of Roman History in Osterburken, Germany. Image: DerHexer, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0.
Faced with this discovery, Marcia alerted the senators and informed them of the emperor’s intentions. They thus agreed to poison him. The concubine then presented him, after his daily exercises, with a cup of wine, as usual, but laden with poison. Commodus, dizzy, went to rest. Overcome by nausea, he began to vomit, to the point that the conspirators feared he might manage to expel the toxic substance he had ingested. They bribed a certain Narcissus, who then strangled him.
This is how Commodus died on December 31, 192, after thirteen years of rule. Despite his detachment from state affairs, the conduct of his power reveals the profound reality of the imperial regime—the enormity of its power and the paradoxical weakness of those who held this office.
Perhaps less ignoble than often portrayed, Commodus appears as an emperor more concerned with his pleasures than with the conduct of affairs. This contrasted sharply with the reign of Marcus Aurelius, who assumed his duties with impressive selflessness. With him, the Nerva-Antonine dynasty perished, marking the onset of a troubled era.
- Also: Year of the Five Emperors: A Period of Imperial Chaos
Commodus’ Reputation Over the Centuries

Commodus is one of those emperors whose name continues to evoke passion to this day and is often portrayed in cinema. The Fall of the Roman Empire (1964) and more recently the film Gladiator (Ridley Scott, 2000) invite us to confront this emperor once again, who is, to say the least, unconventional, or so it seems.
The actors’ performances, Christopher Plummer (1963) and Joaquin Phoenix (2000), shine in portraying a complex, tormented, exuberant character, yet never entirely detestable. This, in a way, somewhat rehabilitates the man who was severely discredited by most contemporary sources, especially the Historia Augusta, a text dealing with the successive reigns of emperors between the 2nd and 3rd centuries.
The author, likely a senator from the 4th century, stands out throughout the work through the systematic use of value judgments and lascivious details, deviating considerably from the rigor demanded by historical analysis.
December 19, 2023
Vespasian: The Emperor Who Stabilized Rome
Vespasian (Titus Flavius Vespasianus) was a Roman general who ascended to the throne as emperor in 69. The tumultuous reign of his predecessor Nero concluded with a civil war in the Empire (Year of the Four Emperors), culminating in Vespasian’s victory over his rivals. While not as renowned as Augustus, Trajan, or Marcus Aurelius, he left a significant mark on the history of the Imperial Rome he governed for ten years.
His rule was characterized by a period of relative peace, during which he focused his policies on consolidating the Roman Empire by fortifying its borders, restructuring finances and the military, and erecting numerous public structures, including the Colosseum. Vespasian designated his two sons, Titus and Domitian, as his successors, thus establishing the Flavian dynasty.
—>During Vespasian’s reign, notable events included the construction of the Colosseum, the suppression of the Jewish revolt in Judea, and economic reforms to restore stability to the Roman Empire.
Year of the Four Emperors
Bust of Vespasian. Image: Wikimedia, Pushkin Museum, CC BY-SA 3.0.
The opposition to Nero became evident upon his return from a tour in Greece in 68. He confronted revolts in the western provinces of the Empire. The primary instigator was Gaius Julius Vindex, the imperial legate of Gaul Lyon, who sent letters to governors urging the overthrow of the emperor, accusing him of deviating from the imperial power (in essence, the “moderate” Augustan model).
However, Vindex did not want to bear the rebellion alone, calling on the Senate and the Roman people. Galba then took the lead, being acclaimed imperator by his legions in Tarraconaise (where he was the governor) in April 68. Galba, however, refused to be emperor, choosing instead the title “legate of the Senate and the Roman people.”
In Africa, legate Lucius Clodius Macer disrupted the wheat supply to Rome but was not an acclaimed imperator. Vindex was killed by the commander of the legions of Upper Germania, Verginius Rufus, while Nero, increasingly isolated, committed suicide in June. The Senate declared him a public enemy and recognized Galba. He entered Rome in October after dealing with Macer.
The new emperor struggled to establish his legitimacy, facing two opponents early in 69: Aulus Vitellius, acclaimed in Cologne, and Otho, a confidant of Galba, disappointed that Galba had chosen his son Piso as successor. Vitellius, the first of the three contenders, emerged victorious. Galba was killed, and Otho committed suicide after his defeat at Bedriacum. Vitellius was then recognized as emperor by the Senate.
Shortly after coming to power in July 69, Vitellius faced the rebellion of an Eastern legate, Titus Flavius Vespasianus, proclaimed emperor by the legions of the Near East.
Vespasian’s Rise to Power
Death of Aulus Vitellius, Paul Baudry, 1847. Musée Municipal de La Roche-sur-Yon.
Unlike his predecessors, Vespasian is not a patrician but a plebeian. His family consists of prominent individuals from Sabine. With a grandfather as a centurion and a father as a publican, he doesn’t fit the typical profile of a future Roman emperor. However, like others before him, he built his reputation and career in the military.
Due to his relatively humble origins, Vespasian is a “novus homo,” managing to become consul in 51 after a praetorship under Caligula. He distinguished himself militarily in Britain and, more significantly, in the Middle East, where Nero appointed him in 67 to suppress the Jewish revolt.
Despite entering the conflict for the imperial throne, Vespasian does not align himself with Nero; instead, he associates with Galba and, more significantly, Augustus. Vespasian initiated his revolt from Alexandria on July 1, 69. Subsequent acclamations occurred in Caesarea in Syria (backed by the legate Mucian) and then in Beirut. He also secures support in Rome itself, particularly from his son Domitian and his brother Flavius Sabinus, who holds the crucial position of prefect of the city.
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Soon, the Danube provinces joined Vespasian’s cause, defeating Vitellius’s troops in October 69. The emperor announced his abdication on the forum on December 18, but contrary to the Romans’ wishes, Flavius Sabinus was assassinated. Capitol Hill was set ablaze. It wasn’t until the end of December, with the arrival of Mucian, that the disturbances ceased in Rome, and Vitellius was ultimately executed. Vespasian entered the city only in October 70, almost a year after his predecessor’s death.
Vespasian Emperor: Restoration
Bronze plaque lex de imperio Vespasiani.
The new emperor, as observed, claims allegiance to Augustus, and similarities can be noted between his position and that of the first emperor after Actium (Battle of Actium).
Primarily, he seeks to restore legitimacy to imperial power and reorganize the Empire while ensuring Roman peace. With Mucianus’ assistance, order is restored along the Danube, in Germania, and the eastern part of Gaul, countering various revolts such as those of the Treveri and the Lingones.
Simultaneously, his other son, Titus, captures Jerusalem in September 70 and triumphantly returns to Rome the following year. Peace appears to have been reestablished throughout the Empire. The emperor then decided to renew the Senate and the equestrian order, incorporating a substantial number of Spaniards and Cisalpines.
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The Augustan nature of Vespasian’s power is exemplified in his law on imperium, or Lex de imperio Vespasiani, enacted at the beginning of the year 70. This law delineates imperial powers, including the right to conclude treaties and declare war, along with privileges vis-à-vis the Senate. Furthermore, Vespasian monopolized the consulship from 70 to 79. Despite this, he openly aligned himself with the emperors Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius.
In line with this, the emperor developed an imperial ideology based on the circulation of coins emphasizing the rejection of Nero and the Augustan legacy, as well as a power exercised in collaboration with the Senate. However, the importance of the dynasty is also emphasized.
A New Dynasty: Flavians
Vespasian is shown a model of the Colosseum.
The desire to establish a new dynasty is intended to bring legitimacy and stability to imperial power, following the tumultuous reign of Nero and the Year of the Four Emperors. The Julio-Claudian thus give way to the Flavians.
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The two sons of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, and their amicable relationships with one another help this transition. The emperor establishes the principate, which is conferred upon the designated successor, granting them tribunician power and the consulship. The choice falls on Titus, who had aided the Vespasian in his war against the Jews. Titus obtains tribunician power in 71 and becomes prefect of the Praetorian Guard. The succession occurred smoothly and without contention when Vespasian died in 79.
—>Vespasian is remembered as a capable and pragmatic emperor who brought stability to the Roman Empire after a period of turmoil. His economic reforms, infrastructure projects, and contributions to Roman military success left a lasting impact on the empire’s history.
Emperor Vespasian, notably recognized for initiating the construction of the Colosseum in 75 (although inaugurated by Titus), played a significant role in Rome’s history. He restored order after Nero’s reign and the Year of the Four Emperors, managing to bring peace to the borders while accomplishing an Augustan restoration in imperial institutions. His sons and successors, Titus and Domitian, experienced more mixed success.
December 18, 2023
Hadrian: A Visionary Emperor of Ancient Rome
The Roman Emperor Hadrian is one of the most renowned Roman rulers globally. An iconic figure of the Antonine era, he implemented significant reforms and radically transformed the Roman Empire, concurrently ending the policy of expansion. A patron of the arts and letters, the ruins of his palace in Tivoli vividly portray the zenith of Rome.
However, despite readily conjuring images or portraits of this emperor, the sources about him are scant and problematic. Indeed, Hadrian was not popular among the senatorial classes, and the challenges in his deification process indicate that his actions and personality did not garner unanimous support among the ruling classes.
—>Hadrian’s Wall is a defensive fortification in Northern England, built by the Romans during the reign of Emperor Hadrian. It marked the northern limit of the Roman Empire in Britain
- Also: Five Good Emperors: History and Timeline
Hadrian’s Little-Known Childhood
Bust of Hadrian.
Born in Italica (in Baetica, southern Spain) or Rome (sources are contradictory) on January 24, 76, Publius Aelius Hadrianus hailed from a senatorial family with roots dating back to the praetorship of his father, Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer. The latter, the first cousin of the future emperor Trajan, played a significant role in Hadrian’s early life. Unfortunately, little is known about Hadrian’s childhood.
Following his father’s demise when he was merely ten years old, Hadrian’s education, as reported by the Historia Augusta, was entrusted to Trajan and the Roman knight P. Acilius Attianus. Information about Attianus is scant until his prefecture of the Praetorian Guard, which is attested only from 114 but likely commenced earlier. From this point, a strong bond formed among the three men. Concurrently, Hadrian developed a profound interest in Greek, earning him the Graeculus (“Greekling”). Additionally, he frequently traversed between Rome and Italica during this period.
The Rise of a Provincial
After holding various subordinate magistracies, he began his military career around 94 as a military tribune in the Rhine and Danube provinces. When Emperor Nerva adopted Trajan, he was already standing by Trajan. Nerva, however, kept him at a distance due to false accusations. But with the help of Plotina, he regained favor, became a senator, and then a quaestor in 101.
His military career continued, and he actively participated in campaigns against the Dacians. These campaigns eventually resulted in his appointment as the governor of Lower Pannonia (present-day Hungary and Serbia) in 106, where he successfully repelled Suebians attacks. In 108, he achieved the position of suffect consul. Although he had the unwavering support of Empress Plotina, Trajan still did not adopt him.
He became an important advisor to the emperor. His political journey led him to focus on the eastern provinces of the Empire. In 112, Athens granted him citizenship and the eponymous archonship of the city. On this occasion, they erected a statue for him at the Theatre of Dionysus. The base of this statue is still visible today and provides valuable insights into Hadrian’s rise. Soon after, he had to confront the Parthians in the east and became the legate in Syria (governor) in 117.
—>Hadrian was a Philhellene, meaning he had a strong admiration for Greek culture. He spent a significant amount of time in Greece and even funded the construction of several buildings in Athens.
Coming to Power
The accession to the throne of Hadrian was not without challenges. It was difficult to ascertain whether Trajan clearly designated him as his successor before succumbing on August 8, 117. Cassius Dio argues that this was not the case. He provides a detailed account of how Hadrian assumed the supreme position: “At the time that he was declared emperor, Hadrian was in Antioch, the metropolis of Syria, of which he was governor[…].“
Hadrian wrote to the Senate, seeking confirmation of his rule. He explicitly protested against receiving any honors, a departure from the previous custom where honors were not bestowed unless actively sought. Trajan’s remains found their place under his column. The Parthian games continued for several years but were eventually abolished. Concurrently, Hadrian declined the Senate’s victory in his name and instead celebrated one in honor of his adoptive father, showcasing his deep filial piety.
The succession encountered opposition not only from Cassius Dio but also from significant sections of the dissatisfied Senate. A group of senators perhaps attempted to assassinate the new emperor. Hadrian executed four consuls implicated in the plot without granting them a hearing through his prefect of the Praetorian Guard, Attianus (previously mentioned).
Determining the justification for these executions is challenging; however, these generals from the previous reign undoubtedly posed serious threats to the young prince. This strained relations with the Senate and partly explains Hadrian’s authoritarian exercise of power.
Hadrian’s Passions
Bust of Antinous from Patras, (National Archaeological Museum, Athens.
With an affinity for hunting akin to that of his predecessor, the personality of this worldly sovereign contrasts sharply with the austerity of the warrior emperor. He neglects his marriage to Sabine and instead opts to maintain relationships with young men, such as Antinous, who accompanies him during his travels. His passion for this young Bithynian was documented in sources recounting the latter’s death by drowning in the waters of the Nile at the age of twenty in 130.
Antinoöpolis (Antinoe) was founded at the site of the tragedy. Hadrian had him deified, which posed some problems since, until then, only members of the imperial family were deified. This cult spread throughout the Empire. Numerous statues today serve as reminders of the extraordinary beauty of this young ephebe and the fervor he inspired. The Pincian Obelisk in Rome is a monument intended for the memory of Antinous and, according to recent research, is believed to originate from Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli.
Hadrian’s Villa and the Pantheon testify to the emperor’s passion for architecture and the arts. These buildings are masterpieces of Roman art that reflect Hadrian’s ambition for the eternal city. While he restored many structures, inscriptions on them mentioned the original sponsors, posing challenges for historians. These were not mere restorations; the “restored” Pantheon deviated significantly from the original building. Whether it’s the Villa Adriana or the Pantheon, Roman techniques are pushed to their limits and benefit from the latest advances in construction, particularly in cement or opus caementicium.
Hadrian’s interest extended beyond architecture to poetry, literature, and painting. It’s challenging to determine his role in the arts at that time. The numerous statues from Hadrian’s Villa found since the Renaissance, however, provide evidence that he was a significant collector. The emperor’s tastes were eclectic, allowing for the experimentation of innovative artistic combinations.
Stabilizing the Empire
Hadrian’s Wall, the Roman frontier fortification in northern England.
Having participated in numerous campaigns alongside Trajan, Hadrian did not continue the expansionist policies of the previous emperor. His first act was to evacuate Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, negotiating peace with the Parthians to better defend the Empire.
Throughout his reign, he faced uprisings (in Mauretania in 117, in Britain around 120–122, and the Jewish uprising between 132 and 135, which we will delve into later). In Britain, he decided to build a wall that still bears his name today, symbolizing a shift in Roman foreign policy.
Hadrian’s Wall, stretching 80 Roman miles (73 modern miles or 117 kilometers), aimed to showcase Rome’s power in the landscape. It also served as a means for Hadrian to restore discipline within the army by undertaking significant fortification work. By delineating the border, the world was further divided into those who were members of Romanitas and Barbaritas.
The wall also disrupted the seasonal transhumance movements of sheep and cattle between southern Scotland and northern Britain. However, the wall was not entirely impermeable, and contact persisted after its construction. Across the Empire, legions settled and altered recruitment, becoming increasingly localized. Additionally, Hadrian established heavy cavalry units (cataphracts) similar to those of the Parthian Empire.
Coins with the inscription “Disciplina Augusti” remind us of the importance Hadrian placed on the military and the restoration of discipline. The Historia Augusta extensively discusses this policy:
For he reestablished the discipline of the camp, which since the time of Octavian had been growing slack through the laxity of his predecessors. He regulated, too, both the duties and the expenses of the soldiers, and now no one could get a leave of absence from camp by unfair means, for it was not popularity with the troops but just deserts that recommended a man for appointment as tribune.He incited others by the example of his own soldierly spirit; he would walk as much as twenty miles fully armed; he cleared the camp of banqueting-rooms, porticoes, grottos, and bowers, generally wore the commonest clothing, would have no gold ornaments on his sword-belt or jewels on the clasp, would scarcely consent to have his sword furnished with an ivory hilt, visited the sick soldiers in their quarters, selected the sites for camps, conferred the centurion’s wand on those only who were hardy and of good repute, appointed as tribunes only men with full beards or of an age to give to the authority of the tribuneship the full measure of prudence and maturity, permitted no tribune to accept a present from a soldier, banished luxuries on every hand, and, lastly, improved the soldiers’ arms and equipment. Furthermore, with regard to length of military service he issued an order that no one should violate ancient usage by being in the service at an earlier age than his strength warranted, or at a more advanced one than common humanity permitted. He made it a point to be acquainted with the soldiers and to know their numbers.
Source: Historia Augusta
Harmonizing the Empire
Hadrian spent half of his reign traversing the provinces, not for tourist reasons but for political ones. Under his vision, the Empire should no longer be merely the dominance of Rome over the Mediterranean periphery but rather an association of provinces sharing a common destiny. The coins, through numerous references to the provinces, illustrate the genuine consideration of the imperial power of the provinces.
This is not mere rhetoric; in Spain, epigraphic documents have been found mentioning regulations in agriculture or mining from that time. His travels to the East reveal a particular attraction to this part of the Empire and to Hellenism. In this perspective, he seeks to better integrate the Hellenophone elites by establishing the Panhellenion in Athens, a religious institution aiming to unite all Greeks.
Furthermore, he undertook the restoration or construction of numerous buildings and created new cities like Hadrianoutherai (Balıkesir), Adrianople (Edirne), or Antinoöpolis in the place where Antinous succumbed in Egypt. Benevolence during his reign flourishes. Contrary to a widespread notion, Hadrian does not accelerate the integration of provincial elites into the Senate (already well underway under Trajan); on the contrary, it regresses significantly.
Unlike popular belief, the progress of Easterners was halted during his reign. However, he promotes the integration of African elites into the Senate. These actions aim to harmonize the Empire by transforming the provinces from being merely Rome’s hegemonic possessions to being vital parts of it, adding to Rome’s glory and prosperity.
Reforming the Empire
Hadrian significantly reformed the empire. He divided Italy into four districts, assigning them to consulars (former consuls), thereby diminishing a senatorial prerogative. These senators administered justice in these districts, replacing the peregrine praetor. This administrative reform accompanied a substantial change in the recruitment of officials: the equestrians took up high positions in the administration, replacing freedmen who were relegated to subordinate roles.
In terms of jurisprudence, in 131, he enacted the Praetor’s Edict of Publius Salvius Julianus, compiling the previous praetorian (from praetors) and curule (from curule aediles) edicts. This edict was indefinitely valid thanks to a senatorial decree.
A genuine legal code was adopted, further rationalizing Roman law and breaking away from the traditional Praetorian edict that had to be promulgated annually (although in practice, they often reissued the edict of their predecessors with modifications).
The emperor surrounded himself with numerous eminent jurists who composed the imperial council. Through his numerous rescripts, he became the authority in judicial matters. Hadrian’s work aimed at strengthening imperial power. This centralizing policy faced significant resistance from senatorial circles as opposed to an emperor who conceived his power in a too monarchic manner. In this regard, he continued the policy initiated by Claudius or Domitian, which also caused them some trouble.
The Troubled End of Hadrian’s Reign
Following the deterioration of relations between the Jews and the Romans brought about by the construction of a Jupiter temple in Jerusalem at the location of the Second Temple, which the Romans destroyed in 70, Hadrian had to contend with a revolt in Judea from 132 to 135 under the leadership of Bar-Kokhba.
The repression results in numerous casualties and concludes with the destruction of the city of Jerusalem. The colony of Aelia Capitolina succeeds it. Hadrian reorganized the province, renaming it Syria and Palestine, and increased the number of troops in the garrison. The emperor’s letter to the Senate and refusal of a triumph in Rome serve as examples of how deeply affected he was by these events.
After these events, he dedicated his final years to organizing his succession. He wrote an autobiography for his successor, now lost except for a fragment of Egyptian papyrus. The old man builds his mausoleum (the current Castel Sant’Angelo) and adopts, in 136, the socialite Lucius Aelius Verus, who, though not a prominent figure of his time, holds the title of consul.
Hadrian quickly confers upon him the title of Caesar, the tribunician power, and the governance of Pannonia. The reasons for this choice remain unclear today. Death strikes his wife Sabine and then the designated successor on January 1, 138, disrupting his plans.
—>Hadrian died of heart failure on July 10, 138 AD, in his villa in Baiae. He was succeeded by Antoninus Pius.
Hadrian revises his plans, adopting the former proconsul of Asia and a member of the Imperial Council, Titus Aurelius Fulvius Antoninus Boionius Arrius, the future Antoninus Pius. He grants him the tribunician power and the title of Caesar, owing his ascent to loyalty to the emperor. However, he was compelled to adopt Lucius Aelius Verus, the son of the recently deceased heir, and the 17-year-old Marcus Annius Verus, the future Marcus Aurelius, whom Hadrian had knighted a decade earlier.
Numerous family ties connect these various heirs. This succession is not just a selection of the best contenders for the throne but a consolidation of a dynasty and a resolution of political issues. The complex succession also reveals that Hadrian believed his successor’s reign would be short and that the true designated heirs were still too young to rule (Lucius Verus was only 8 years old in 138). He died in Baiae on July 10, 138. Antoninus Pius, the new emperor, faces significant challenges in deifying his predecessor.
Hadrian is one of the most significant emperors of the 2nd century, radically transforming the Empire in many aspects. Despite being disliked by the senatorial elites for his monarchical exercise of power, this aesthete, in a way, foreshadows the era of the Severans in the early 3rd century. Some of his achievements may not endure, but the Pantheon and Hadrian’s Villa remain inextricably linked to his legacy and that of Rome.
Hadrian’s Travels
From Syria to Rome (117–118 CE)
Hadrian’s first journey commenced shortly after he assumed the role of emperor, succeeding his adoptive father and predecessor, Trajan. Trajan’s conquests in the east had led to the enlargement of a substantial yet precarious empire, an inheritance bequeathed to Hadrian. Opting to relinquish control over these territories, he directed his attention towards fortifying the existing borders. Traveling from Syria, where news of his ascension reached him, to Rome, Hadrian traversed through Anatolia, Greece, and Illyria.
During his journey, the emperor inspected the army, administration, and infrastructure of the provinces and showed great interest in local cultures and religions, especially Greek culture, which he admired and supported. The emperor’s arrival in Rome in July 118 AD was greeted with mixed feelings by both the senate and the people.
From Rome to Britain (121–126 CE)
Hadrian’s second journey was the longest and most famous of his travels. He left Rome in 121 CE and headed north, crossing the Alps and visiting Gaul, Germany, and the Rhine frontier. He then reached Britain, where he ordered the construction of a massive wall along the northern border of the province to protect it from the raids of the Picts and other tribes. The wall, which stretched for about 120 km, was a remarkable engineering feat, and it still stands today as a testimony to Hadrian’s legacy. Hadrian also visited other parts of Britain, such as London, Bath, and York, where he improved the urban and military facilities.
After spending about three years in Britain, Hadrian resumed his journey and traveled south, through Gaul and Spain, his native land. He then crossed the Mediterranean and arrived in North Africa, where he visited the provinces of Mauretania, Numidia, and Africa. He paid special attention to the city of Carthage, which he rebuilt and embellished after its destruction by the Romans in the Punic Wars. He also inspected the agricultural and economic situation of the region and granted privileges and donations to the local communities.
From Africa to the East (128–134 CE)
Hadrian’s third journey took him from Africa to the eastern provinces of the empire, which were the most populous and prosperous but also the most turbulent and diverse. He sailed from Carthage to Alexandria, the cultural and intellectual capital of the east, where he spent some time enjoying the wonders of the city. He also visited the famous Serapeum, a temple dedicated to the Egyptian god Serapis, which he may have rebuilt after a fire. He then traveled along the Nile, admiring the ancient monuments and the natural scenery of Egypt. It was during this trip that he lost his beloved companion, Antinous, a young Greek boy who drowned in the river. Hadrian was devastated by his death, and he deified him and founded a new city in his honor, Antinopolis.
From Egypt, Hadrian moved to Judea, where he faced a serious rebellion by the Jewish population, who resisted Roman domination and the imposition of pagan cults. Hadrian crushed the revolt with brutal force, killing or enslaving thousands of Jews and renaming the province Syria Palaestina. He also rebuilt Jerusalem as a Roman colony and erected a temple to Jupiter on the site of the former Jewish temple.
Hadrian continued his journey through Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, where he participated in the Eleusinian Mysteries, a secret religious initiation that he had long desired to join. He also visited Athens, his favorite city, where he completed several building projects, such as the Temple of Olympian Zeus, the Arch of Hadrian, and the Library of Hadrian. He also founded a new institution, the Panhellenion, a federation of Greek cities that aimed to revive the glory and unity of the Hellenic world under his patronage.
The Return to Rome and the Final Years (134–138 CE)
Hadrian returned to Rome in 134 CE, after more than a decade of traveling. He was exhausted and ill, and he devoted his last years to the administration of the empire and the succession of his adoptive son and heir, Antoninus Pius. He also built his magnificent villa at Tivoli, a complex of palaces, gardens, and artificial lakes where he recreated some of the places he had seen during his travels. He also commissioned his mausoleum, a circular tomb on the banks of the Tiber, which later became the Castel Sant’Angelo. He passed away in 138 CE at the age of 62, and his wife Sabina and his beloved Antinous joined his ashes in his mausoleum.
December 17, 2023
Battle of Strasbourg (357)
The Battle of Strasbourg (Argentoratum, 357) pitted the Roman army led by Emperor Julian the Apostate against a coalition of Alamanni barbarian tribes attempting to invade Gaul. During the 4th century CE, the Romans experienced a period of relative tranquility on their borders, primarily due to successful military campaigns that restored the Roman army to its former glory. The Battle of Strasbourg, where Emperor Julian distinguished himself, temporarily halted major barbarian incursions across the Rhine, earning its victor immense prestige.
—>The Roman forces in the Battle of Strasbourg were led by Emperor Julian the Apostate. Julian later became known for his military prowess during his short reign as Roman Emperor.
Background to the Battle of Strasbourg
Julian in a solidus minted at Antioch. Legend: Fl Cl Iulianus p f aug. Image: CngCoins.com, CC BY-SA 2.5
In 357, the young Julian, appointed as Caesar in Gaul by his cousin Constantius II for two years, fought against the Alamanni on the Rhine border to restore tranquility to the lands of the Empire. The Alamanni had occupied several cities and fortified elements in imperial territory because Constantius, in his struggle against the usurper Magnentius, had incited a barbarian attack on his rival’s rear to weaken him.
Despite achieving victory (the Battle of Mursa Major in 351), the emperor had not resolved the situation on the borders, where the Alamanni still held firm. He assigned his cousin the task of eradicating the barbarian threat along the Rhine in response to Sassanian Persian movements.
However, Constantius, wary of potential dissent, had surrounded the new emperor with a group of his own men to exert control. Despite this, Julian operated with audacity and foresight, managing to rectify the situation in a few years. However, the Alamannic threat persisted despite Julian’s efforts. The army under the command of General Barbatio suffered a severe setback, surprised and routed by the barbarians.
Julian the Apostate Faced with an Outbreak of Violence
Northeastern Gaul and the Rhine frontier of the Roman Empire in the time of Julian. Image: Andrei Nacu, CC BY-SA 3.0.
Upon receiving this news, several Alamannic kings gathered their forces to reconquer the territory they had taken from the Empire. Among them were Chnodomar, Vestralp, Urius, Urcisin, Serapion, Suomar, and Hortar. A significant event had united the barbarians under a common banner: King Gundomadus, a loyal supporter of the Romans and true to his word, as stated by the Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus, had been killed in an ambush. This event further fueled the rebellion against Rome.
Informed of the relatively small size of Julian’s troops (around thirteen thousand men) by a defector from the Scutarii of the defeated army of Barbatio, the barbarians anticipated an easy operation, considering their probable number to be around thirty thousand. Nevertheless, Caesar resolved to engage in battle. Leading his army out of the camp, he marched towards the barbarian fortification.
Upon reaching the vicinity of the enemy, he gathered his troops and delivered a vigorous speech. Motivated by his words and proud of having an emperor among them, the soldiers began a tumultuous display of shouts and the clashing of weapons against shields.
This behavior mirrors that of Roman fighters of the time, who, in a manner similar to the barbarians, expressed their warrior spirit through a demonstration of brutal violence. The almost miraculous role of the victorious emperor as their protective leader significantly heightened their combativeness. In response, the senior officers of the army also favored engagement. Once the enemy was dispersed into numerous marauding units, operations became a nightmare, both tactically and logistically, and instilled terror among civilian populations.
Julian’s successful operations outside the Rhine on the very frontiers of the barbarians further increased Roman confidence. There, they encountered no opposition, as the enemies withdrew without a fight. From their perspective, they were about to face cowards who had refused to defend their own lands.
Setting Up An Army
Reconstructed initial order of battle at Strasbourg. On the Roman side, legions hold the centre, auxilia the wings. Image: Public Domain.
The Roman army established itself on a gently sloping hill, very close to the Rhine. An Alamanni scout fell into the hands of the soldiers, revealing that the barbarians had crossed the river for three days and nights and were approaching their position.
Shortly after, the troops witnessed the barbarian warriors spreading across the plain and forming a wedge—an attack formation with a narrow front aimed at breaking through the enemy lines in a vigorous charge. The Roman response was swift, and the soldiers formed an “indestructible wall” (Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI, 12, 20). The shields of that Roman era were primarily circular, offering protection often likened to Greek shields.
Facing the Roman cavalry on the right wing, the barbarians positioned their own cavalry on the left, mixed with light troops, employing an ancient Germanic tactic. They advanced with thousands of fighters to ambush the Romans on their right, behind a wood. The kings, leading their troops, were ready to set an example.
Ammianus described Chnodomarius, the soul of this coalition, as a fearsome warrior with strong muscles. Serapion commanded the right wing; his name, derived from his father, signified his status as a hostage in Gaul, initiating the mysteries of Eastern religions.
Severus ordered the left wing of the Roman army to halt its advance when it became aware of the barbarian ambush. Julian, with his two hundred elite cavalry, moved through the ranks, encouraging his men while trying, as mentioned by Ammianus, not to appear overly eager for honor, as Constantius had placed him under close scrutiny. He organized his men effectively and shouted powerful declarations, appealing to their pride as warriors.
He thus established his battle line in two rows, keeping the Primani legion and Palatine auxiliaries in reserve and the elite troops heavily equipped, similar to the units on the front line. The legions of that time were of a smaller size, probably around a thousand men, as they formed more mobile groups than the ancient legions of 5000 men.
For the ‘small war’ operations usually carried out by the barbarians, these units were much more effective. Similarly, palatine auxiliary units were composed of 500 men but typically operated in pairs, such as the Cornuti and the Bracchiates, positioned on the right of the first line.
These troops were largely recruited from the barbarian world, but their combative zeal and loyalty to the Roman Empire were noteworthy. They were highly reliable units found in various theaters of operation. At times, their enthusiasm reaches such levels that it becomes challenging to control.
In any case, soldiers of the Roman era should not be envisioned as always displaying impeccable discipline. The Romans granted significant freedom to their men for heroic actions, as long as they benefited the collective. Honorary rewards were also stipulated for such endeavors.
The Shock of the Battle of Strasbourg
A modern reconstruction of the probable appearance of a Roman army infantryman. Note the Spangenhelm-type helmet with a nose guard, as depicted on the Arch of Constantine; the lorica hamata (chainmail armor) and the oval or circular shield, typical defensive weapons of the auxilia in the late 3rd and early 4th centuries; on the left, the hasta, the infantry spear, and the spiculum, a javelin similar to a long pilum. Image Wikimedia,: CC BY-SA 3.0
As Julien fortified his position, cries of indignation arose from the barbarian army. The troops feared that the leaders, mounted on horses, might take advantage of this position to abandon them in case of defeat. Therefore, the kings dismounted to stand alongside their men, fortifying their courage.
The trumpets then signaled the start of the battle. The violent clash of the armies ensued in extreme cacophony. The Roman line stubbornly resisted, opposing its coherence to the barbarian frenzy. However, on the right, Roman cavalry broke off the fight against barbarian horsemen and skirmishers.
Julien then moved forward to address this retreat and rallied the men who had regained their positions in the formation. The Cornuti and Bracchiates also demonstrated their great valor, impressing the enemy with their courage and indomitable bravery. At the climax of the battle, the Alamans managed to break the Roman line in the center.
However, the second Roman line intervened; the Primani Reges legion and the Batavi moved in support and repelled the danger. Ammianus, describing the battle, portrays the Alamans as equals to the Romans in war, perhaps to magnify Julien’s feat but also likely out of respect for the combative valor of the barbarians.
It is crucial to remember that a considerable proportion of the Roman army was populated by these barbarians, without exaggerating to the point of considering the entire army barbarized, which is untrue.
The Rout of the Barbarians
The violent battle continued in a quasi-stalemate, where, nevertheless, the barbarians were dying in greater numbers. Better protected and more professional, the Romans effectively contained the assaults of their enemies to the extent that they eventually dispersed and fled, pursued by Roman light units.
The carnage was significant, and the terrified barbarians fled in large numbers, swimming in the Rhine, where many drowned. Meanwhile, escaping the disaster, Chnodomarius had withdrawn from the battle with a few warriors, attempting to conceal himself on a wooded hill, when he was intercepted by a Roman cohort. Surrounded, he surrendered.
The losses in the battle were highly disproportionate and reflected the superior training and protection of the Romans. They left 243 troops and 4 officers on the field, while the Alamanni lost 6,000 on the field and an unknown number drowned in the Rhine. Ammianus is entirely reliable in the count, and his text leaves no doubt about the actual tally of losses.
The figures here closely resemble those of another famous battle, Marathon, where the Athenians also meticulously counted the dead, intending to perform a sacrifice for each fallen Persian. In that battle, 192 Greeks fell against nearly 6,400 Persians.
Battle of Strasbourg Epilogue
Following this battle, Chnodomarius is sent as a hostage to Rome, where he remains until his death. Julian, on the other hand, does not let his advantage slip away and takes the opportunity to launch bloody offensives on the territory of the barbarians, stabilizing the border permanently.
The Battle of Strasbourg is, in any case, a factor allowing us to gauge the tactical prowess of young Julian and his ability to transcend men. His saga is indeed significant, and he is never defeated in an open battle. His men will follow him even into the scorching sands of Persia, refusing to join Constantius II.
Adorned with the prestige of victory, Julian had become a victorious emperor, blessed by fortune, destined to break free from oppressive tutelage now that his men were entirely devoted to him.
December 11, 2023
Gallic Wars: Julius Caesar’s Military Mastery
In antiquity, the Gallic Wars corresponds to the Roman conquest of Gaul, a territory roughly equivalent to present-day France, as well as Belgium, the Netherlands, parts of Germany, Luxembourg, and Northern Italy. Gaul was then composed of numerous populations with different customs and laws. During this war, Vercingetorix managed to unite the Gauls, who faced the Romans in two major battles: Gergovia, where the Gauls emerged victorious, and Alesia, marking their definitive defeat.
Julius Caesar conquered Gaul in less than 8 years, from 58 to 50 BCE, with approximately 100,000 men. Caesar himself narrates this campaign in his work titled “Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War),” portraying himself as an inspired and victorious leader to appeal to the Senate, to whom he was accountable. It is worth noting that this war, ostensibly aimed at protecting Rome and its allies, also served the purpose of advancing the proconsul’s political career, bringing military glory, and settling his debts.
Key Battles of the Gallic Wars
- Battle of the Arar (58 BC): Caesar’s first major battle against the Helvetii tribe, a Germanic Celtic tribe, resulting in a decisive Roman victory.
- Battle of Bibracte (58 BC): Another battle against the Helvetii, fought near the Mont Beuvray in present-day Burgundy. The Romans, led by Caesar, emerged victorious.
- Battle of Vosges (58 BC): An engagement during the pursuit of Vercingetorix, where Caesar achieved a victory over the rebellious Gallic chieftain.
- Battle of the Axona (57 BC): Engagement against the Belgae confederation, where Caesar successfully defeated the forces of the Belgic tribes.
- Battle of the Sabis (57 BC): An encounter with the Germanic Suebi tribe led by Ariovistus, resulting in a victory for Caesar and securing Roman influence over the region.
- Battle of Lutetia (52 BC): A skirmish fought near present-day Paris during the rebellion.
- Battle of Gergovia (52 BC): A significant defeat for Caesar against the united Gallic tribes led by Vercingetorix. This marked a rare setback for Caesar in the course of the war.
- Siege of Alesia (52 BC): A decisive siege where Caesar’s forces surrounded and defeated Vercingetorix and his Gallic allies, effectively ending organized Gallic resistance.
- Battle of Gergovia (52 BC): Following the siege of Alesia, Caesar faced further resistance at Gergovia but ultimately succeeded in capturing the city.
- Battle of Alesia (52 BC): Not to be confused with the Siege of Alesia, this earlier battle was part of Vercingetorix’s rebellion. Caesar emerged victorious, further establishing Roman dominance.
Why Was the Gallic Wars Fought?
Vercingetorix statue by Frédéric Bartholdi, on Place de Jaude, in Clermont-Ferrand, France.
The causes of the Gallic Wars are manifold. Some Gallic tribes could potentially pose a threat to the Roman Republic, but Julius Caesar had much to gain from it. In his Commentaries on the Gallic Wars, Caesar justifies each of his campaigns in Gaul as a pacifying mission or as assistance to a threatened tribe. According to his rhetoric, Caesar is not conquering; he is protecting the weaker ones. It is true that the Aedui, an allied tribe of the Romans, seek Roman support against the Helvetii, who have decided to join Aquitaine.
Rome already had a foothold in the southern Gaulish territory, in Gallia Narbonensis (Transalpine Gaul), and allies among these peoples. Furthermore, Rome worries that the opportunistic and belligerent Germanic peoples might invade the Helvetii’s territory. However, Julius Caesar saw this primarily as an opportunity to gain military glory over Pompey and Crassus, fellow members of the triumvirate with him, who jointly led Rome.
Support for the Aedui elicits hostile reactions from other tribes, and Caesar eventually deems it necessary to conquer the entirety of Gaul to pacify the region. Every pretext is used to defend the interests of Rome. Between preventive action and the desire for glory, the Gallic Wars conveniently serves Julius Caesar, who seizes the opportunity.
Where and When Did the Gallic Wars Take Place?
Multi-year overview of the Gallic Wars. Image: CC BY-SA 3.0.
The Gallic Wars took the form of a series of military campaigns directed against various Gallic tribes that then constituted the territory. Initially, the objective was to contain the Helvetii, which was accomplished in two campaigns during the same year, 58 BC. The following year, Julius Caesar turned his attention to the Belgians, who had raised an army of allied tribes. The proconsul gradually subdues the different peoples of Belgic Gaul. Military operations continued in Britain and then in Aquitaine. In 55 BC, Germanic tribes threatened the last Belgian tribes subjected to Rome. The formidable Germanic peoples put up a strong resistance before Caesar managed to cross the Rhine, a technical feat achieved through the construction of a bridge.
Julius Caesar then set his sights on Britain (modern-day Great Britain), accused of sending reinforcements during minor Gallic uprisings. This opportunity allowed the general to regain favor in Rome after the challenges faced by the Germanic peoples. Caesar is subsequently harassed by various revolts, necessitating his intervention across the region. He is compelled to continue fighting, while Pompey, with whom rivalry intensifies, is in Rome at the heart of power. However, Pompey lends him legions for reinforcement. The only tribes left to conquer in 53 BC were the Treveri, Menapii, and Eburones, under the leadership of Ambiorix. It is through the ingenuity of Lieutenant Titus Labienus that Julius Caesar achieves this.
In 52 BC, a new revolt looms. The massacre of Cenabum, executed by the Carnutes, sparks rebellious sentiments throughout Gaul. Under Vercingetorix, of Arvernian origin, many Gauls unite. After a defeat at Avaricum, the Gallic leader is victorious at the Battle of Gergovia before eventually surrendering in the Battle of Alesia. The Bituriges and then the Carnutes rise again the following year. However, the last resistors to Roman domination were defeated during the Siege of Uxellodunum in 51 BC. Julius Caesar, adorned with glory, finally returned to Rome to seize power. Crossing the Rubicon with a legion, he triggered the Civil War in 49 BC.
Which Gallic Peoples Were Subdued by Julius Caesar?
The campaigns of 58 BC (In Italian). Note the Roman territory in yellow does not yet include modern day France, the Low Countries, or Germany. Image: CC BY-SA 3.0.
During the Gallic War, Julius Caesar subdued many Gallic peoples, often facing repeated resistance as different tribes continued to revolt:
- 58 BC: the Helvetii, towards present-day Switzerland;
- 57 BC: the Nervii, Atrebates, and Viromandui, towards present-day Belgium;
- 56 BC: the Armoricans and Venelli, towards present-day Brittany;
- 55 BC: the Morini and Menapii towards Belgium, the Usipetes and Tencteri towards the Rhine;
- 54 BC: the Breton coalition;
- 53 BC: the Eburones, in the northeast of Gaul;
- 52 BC: the Arverni, Sequani, and Parisii, in the central-eastern part of Gaul and towards present-day Paris;
- 51 BC: the Bellovaci (towards Belgium), the Pictones (towards present-day Poitou), the Bituriges (Celtic Gaul between the Loire and the Massif Central), the Cadurci (around Cahors), the Treveri (Gaul Belgium), and the Carnutes (Beauce).
Why Did Julius Caesar Write the Book Gallic Wars?
Caesar receives Divicon’s ambassadorship on the Arar River after the Roman victory over the Helvetians.
The primary account of the Gallic War comes from Julius Caesar himself, who is both the judge and the party involved, as he writes about it. His Commentaries on the Gallic Wars were divided into seven volumes, one for each year of the military campaign. They were regularly published in Rome in batches of two or three volumes. Aulus Hirtius, a close friend of Julius Caesar, will write an eighth book to describe the situation in Gaul in 50 BC and the final conflicts in 51 BC.
While Caesar and Aulus Hirtius consider these works as historical documents, one must approach the pages with a critical perspective, keeping in mind that the author is not neutral and consistently portrays himself in a favorable light.
When Caesar depicts his adversaries as formidable and challenging to defeat, it is to highlight his own victory and downplay the role of his lieutenants. Julius Caesar sought glory during the Gallic Wars and aimed to persuade the Roman aristocracy, through his Commentaries, that his military campaigns were justified. These are indeed commentaries, concise remarks that stick to the facts in the form of raw notes.
Cicero praises Caesar’s straightforward and effective writing style. However, a certain level of caution is warranted when interpreting these writings. Many individuals who participated in the war, particularly the lieutenants, could testify in cases of falsehood. The complete text of The Gallic Wars is available online.
What Was Vercingetorix’s Role in the Gallic Wars?
An Arvernian named Vercingetorix led the largest uprising of the Gallic tribes. It all begins with the massacre of Cenabum on January 23, 52 BC, where the Carnutes executed Roman citizens. The entire Gaul was inflamed following this event. A nobleman newly in power, Vercingetorix takes the lead in the rebellion and gathers the Senones, Parisii, Pictones, Cadurci, Turones, Aulerci, Lemovices, Andes, and other clans from the oceanic border, as well as the Bituriges.
Having previously served in the Roman army, Vercingetorix employs their strategies. He adopted the scorched-earth policy of destroying cities and fields to hinder the Roman army’s supply lines. After the Gallic defeat at Avaricum, resulting in a massacre, Vercingetorix’s forces retreat to the oppidum of Gergovia.
Despite successfully foiling the betrayal by the Aedui, the Romans abandoned the siege after significant losses in skirmishes. They head towards Lutetia to confront the Parisii, Senones, and Aulerci. The entire Gaul revolts at this moment and unites behind Vercingetorix at Bibracte, except for the Remi, Lingones, and Treviri. In August 52 BC, Vercingetorix attempted to crush the Roman troops but was forced to retreat to Alesia, where he eventually surrendered.
Why and How Did the Gauls Lose the Gallic Wars?
The defeat of Vercingetorix took place in September 52 BC at Alesia, where 95,000 Gauls were entrenched in the oppidum and resisted a siege. Julius Caesar undertook significant encirclement works to prevent the Gauls from going out to resupply. The idea was also to make combat more challenging for the Gauls during their skirmish attempts. The Gallic relief army was insufficient to free Vercingetorix and his troops.
The vast multitude of Gallic tribes, often divided, tended to betray each other regularly. It was also through the Germanic cavalry that the Romans managed to win the final battle. The Romans had indeed enlisted German mercenaries to tilt the odds in their favor.
Key Dates in the Gallic Wars
- 58 BC: Caesar Annexes Switzerland: Julius Caesar invades the land and manages to assert his authority over the Helvetii people. Roman dominance gradually extended across the entire territory, which takes on the name Helvetia. Initially, it fell under the province of Belgica before being integrated into the Gallia Lugdunensis.
- 57 BC: Julius Caesar Subdues the Belgian Territory: Caesar managed to subdue the Celtic and Germanic peoples of Belgium despite fierce resistance and uprisings. Roman Belgium then encompassed a much larger territory than it would later become. It is divided into three provinces: Belgica Prima, Germania Inferior (Germania Secunda), and Belgica Secunda. The region experienced some development, and significant cities were founded (Tournai, Tongres).
  
  In the years to come, it will be marked in the north by the presence of Frankish Germans (future Flemish) and in the south by a population of more Latinized Franks (future Walloons).
- 52 BC: The Siege of Gergovia: Located in the Arverni region, Gergovia was the site of a major battle in the Gallic Wars. The Arverni and Bituriges tribes, which Vercingetorix led, won the battle with the Romans. Julius Caesar had six legions in addition to his Gallic allies, especially the Aedui. To conceal his defeat from the Senate, Caesar pretends to prefer supporting his lieutenant Labienus further north.
- May 52 BC: The Romans Capture Lutetia: Lutetia, which the Romans, under the command of Lieutenant Labenius, have held since the third century BCE, falls into their hands. Residents of the fortified city destroy it because they won’t give up to the invaders. This action allowed the Romans to quickly spread their own architecture. The Gaulish people gave the city the name Paris, which the Romans called “Civitas Parisorium,” or the city of the Parisii.
- 52 BC: The Battle of Alesia: The Siege of Alesia lasted 6 to 8 weeks. Vercingetorix and his troops retreated to this oppidum after the failure of an attack that was meant to be decisive. In response, Caesar built significant fortifications that greatly hindered the Gauls. Furthermore, reinforcements are delayed, arriving only after 6 weeks. The Romans eventually prevailed, thanks to Germanic reinforcements.
What Were the Consequences of the Gallic Wars?
The Gallic Wars marked the beginning of Rome’s significant expansion and the onset of the civil war in Rome, known as Caesar’s Civil War, pitting Julius Caesar against Pompey. Following his victory in Gaul, Julius Caesar returned to Italy with great prestige, seizing power as imperator and later as dictator for life, thereby ending the Roman Republic in favor of the Roman Empire.
In Gaul, an entire civilization undergoes transformation, as Caesar’s triumph gives rise to Gallo-Roman culture, leaving enduring legacies evident today in various aspects such as roads, architecture, law, and other elements resulting from the Roman conquest of Gaul.
December 5, 2023
Science in Ancient Rome
Cicero’s “De divinatione” (44 BCE), which rejects astrology and other supposedly divinatory techniques, serves as a rich historical source for understanding the conception of scientificity in classical Roman antiquity. Pliny the Elder (23–79 CE) compiled in his “Naturalis Historia” the science of ancient Greece. Although science in Ancient Rome did not undergo the same development as in Hellenic culture, it was a civilization with significant advances in the systematization and organization of classical knowledge.
The Romans excelled in applied technology, particularly in agriculture, public works, and military technology: hydraulic mills, central heating systems, and insulation against housing humidity; catapults, crossbows, and assault towers mounted on wheels; lighthouses in ports; and, above all, a road construction system with stone pavement amalgamated with mortar, curbs, and drainage ditches, which has allowed a substantial preservation of the Roman road layout.
The development of engineering in high-construction instruments such as pulleys, cranes, and mills, as well as the evolution of the arch in architecture, set precedents in shaping technology and applied science. The organization of cities and the establishment of new transportation and communication mechanisms are also part of their engineering developments. Pliny the Elder’s work stands out as an heir to Hellenic natural philosophy, compiling over 37 volumes and texts with various observations on natural philosophy in Latin. Claudius Ptolemy, in “Almagest,” describes a model of planetary motion, popularizing the geocentric idea of the universe. The establishment of the Roman calendar based on solar cycles, as well as its own mythology, is also part of Rome’s scientific heritage.
In medicine, they drew from the various influences of the Hellenic schools of Hippocrates and Asclepiades. The fear of Hellenization by Cato and other Roman intellectuals kept medical practice unregulated for much of the republic and the empire. Medical education was private, and its performance was based on non-systematic practices. The main author of the period was Galen, who systematized and translated the works of Hellenic medicine into Latin during his lifetime, including detailed descriptions of animal and human dissections. These works had a significant impact during the Middle Ages. There is also evidence that Celsus practiced plastic surgery techniques during his lifetime.
Constructions
Roman Aqueduct Segovia, Spain.
The most important Roman constructions were:
- Theaters, where works of art were performed.
- Amphitheaters, where gladiators fought.
- Circuses, where chariot races took place.
- Baths (Thermes), where people bathed and exercised.
- Triumphal arches, commemorating historical events and figures.
- Aqueducts, for channeling and supplying rainwater.
- Gardens, where various crops were introduced.
Calendar
Detail of the Fasti Consularii (a calendar that counted years based on the names of the consuls who had held office), originally located in the Roman Forum (currently in the Capitoline Museums). The Roman calendar was the first system to divide time in ancient Rome. According to mythic tradition, the Roman calendar was created by one of its first two kings, Romulus. The early Roman calendar set the duration of months at 29 days, 12 hours, and 44 minutes, with lunar months of 29 or 30 days. The month was the larger fraction, and the day was the smaller one, although later it was divided into hours.
The Romans considered the day to begin at midnight. When establishing the year (from “annus,” meaning ring), they set its duration at 10 months (decimal system). However, later, under Greek influence, they transitioned to a year of 12 months, with 368 days and ¾ of another day, with months alternating between 30 and 29 days. Every two years, a year with 13 months was added, progressively adjusting the system by removing or adding days. Thus, a year was established that began in spring (in the month dedicated to the god of war Mars, i.e., the month “martius” = March), followed by the opening month (“aprilis” = April), the month of growth (“maius” = May), and the month of flourishing (“junius” = June).
Fasti Consularii, Roman calendar. (José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro / CC BY-SA 4.0)
The months then continued in order from the fifth to the tenth: quintilis (July), sextilis (August), septembris (September), octobris (October), novembris (November), and decembris (December). This was followed by the month for the opening of agricultural work (“januarius” = January) and the month of purifications (“februarius” = February). If another month was added, it had no name but was called “mercedonius” as it was dedicated to payment.
With progressive adjustments, months with 31 days were established (March, May, July, and October), those with 28 days (February, which had 29 days every four years), and those with 29 days (the others), with an intercalated month of 27 days every two years. Thus, the first and third years of the cycle had 355 days each; the second year had 383 days, and the fourth year had 382 days, totaling 1474 days. Each month was divided into weeks ranging from 4 to 9 days: the second and fourth weeks of the month were 8 days long, the third was 9 days (except in February, which was 8, and in the intercalated month, which was 7), and the first week was 6 days in months with 31 days and 4 days in others.
The announcement of the duration of the first week was called the announcement of the calends; the ninth day of the nine-day weeks was called nonae or nonas; and the first day of the third week was called idus (or ides). Each period of five years was called a lustrum, as sacrifices (lustrum) were made the year after the census review, which occurred every four years.
This system was used until 46 BCE, when Julius Caesar, who was then a dictator and Pontifex Maximus, decreed a calendar reform, advised by the Greek Sosigenes of Alexandria, creating the Julian calendar.
Medicine
Roman medicine refers to the medical practices developed in ancient Rome. The Etruscan civilization, before importing knowledge from Greek medicine, had barely developed a medical corpus of interest, except for a notable skill in dentistry. However, the increasing importance of the metropolis during the early expansion attracted significant Greek and Alexandrian medical figures, ultimately shaping Rome into the primary center for medical knowledge, clinical practice, and education in the Mediterranean region.
The most important medical figures in ancient Rome were Asclepiades of Bithynia (124 or 129 BCE–40 BCE), Celsus, and Galen. Asclepiades, openly opposing the Hippocratic theory of humors, developed a new medical thought based on the works of Democritus, the Methodic School, explaining illness through the influence of atoms permeating the body’s pores, anticipating the microbial theory. Some physicians associated with this school were Themison of Laodicea, Thessalus of Tralles, or Soranus of Ephesus, the author of the first known biography of Hippocrates.
Galens (129–201 AD)
Between 25 BCE and 50 CE, another significant medical figure lived: Aulus Cornelius Celsus. There is no record of him practicing medicine, but a medical treatise (De re medica libri octo) is preserved, included in a larger, encyclopedic work called De artibus (On the Arts). This medical treatise includes the clinical definition of inflammation that has endured to this day: “heat, pain, swelling, and redness” (sometimes also expressed as “swelling, redness, burning, and pain”). It also describes plastic surgery operations, the removal of nasal polyps, tonsils, etc.
With the onset of the Christian era, another medical school developed in Rome, the Pneumatic School. While the Hippocratics attributed disease to liquid humors and the atomists emphasized the influence of solid particles called atoms, the pneumatics saw the cause of human pathological disorders in the pneuma (gas) entering the body through the lungs. Followers of this line of thought included Athenaeus of Attalia and Aretaeus of Cappadocia.
In Rome, the medical profession was already organized (reminiscent of the current specialization divisions) into general physicians (medici), surgeons (medici vulnerum, chirurgi), oculists (medici ab oculis), dentists, and specialists in ear diseases. There was no official regulation to be considered a physician but starting with the privileges granted to physicians by Julius Caesar, a maximum quota per city was established. Moreover, Roman legions had a field surgeon and a team capable of setting up a hospital (valetudinaria) on the battlefield to tend to the wounded during combat.
One of these legionary doctors, enlisted in Nero’s armies, was Pedanius Dioscorides of Anazarbus (Cilicia), the author of the most widely used and known pharmacological manual until the 15th century. His travels with the Roman army allowed him to compile a vast collection of herbs (around six hundred) and medicinal substances to draft his monumental work, De materia medica (Dioscorides).
But the quintessential Roman medical figure was Claudius Galen, whose influence endured until the 16th century. Galen already practiced dissection, but with animals, as the anatomical study of human corpses was strongly frowned upon. This led him to make certain anatomical and physiological errors that persisted until Vesalius. He was the primary exponent of the Hippocratic school, but his work is a synthesis of all the medical knowledge of his time. His treatises were copied, translated, and studied for the next thirteen centuries, making him one of the most important and influential physicians in Western medicine.
Judging by what was found in the home of a Pompeii doctor, surgical materials were not excessively rudimentary. There are indications that they knew about the dental mirror and the antiseptic properties of certain ointments. Medical education was private, and there were no official titles. Anyone could practice medicine, even during the imperial era, when physicians were exempt from taxes and military service. Most doctors were Greeks and Jews. There was not significant progress in medicine in Roman civilization because there was no interest in experimental research, and there was an obsession with writing medical books in verse. Sammonicus (the inventor of the magic formula Abracadabra) introduced this trend that would dominate the Middle Ages.
Regarding healthcare organizations, the significant Roman contribution was the hospital system. However, its beginnings were nothing more than the establishment of a shelter for poor patients to die in, known as the illa Tiberiana. With the expansion of the empire, military hospitals were established in strategic locations. Following these, charitable hospitals emerged. The first was founded by Fabiola of Rome, marking the first documented precedent of “social medicine” and making her one of the most famous women in the history of organized medicine. In this hospital, the poor received free care.
Archaeological excavations revealed the plan and arrangement of this unique building, where rooms and corridors for the sick and poor were orderly grouped around the main structure, organized into sections according to different classes of patients. According to historian Camille Jullian, the foundation of this hospital is one of the most significant events in the history of Western civilization.
According to Henry Chadwick, emeritus regius professor at the University of Cambridge and historian of early Christianity, the practice of charity expressed prominently through the care of the sick was likely one of the most powerful reasons for the spread of Christianity.
By the year 251, the Church of Rome was supporting over 1,500 people in need. Despite the existence of Roman proto-field hospitals, the Empire lacked social hospital awareness until the foundation of the first large Christian hospitals. In the East, the Basilias Hospital was founded near Cappadocia (inspired by Basil of Caesarea), and another hospital in Edessa was founded by Ephrem the Syrian, with three hundred beds for plague victims.
A crucial contribution of Roman public medicine must be highlighted: Among the leading Roman architects (Columella, Marcus Vitruvius, or Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa), there was a belief that malaria spread through insects or swampy waters. Under this principle, they undertook public works such as aqueducts, sewers, and public baths aimed at ensuring a supply of quality drinking water and an adequate sewage disposal system. Modern medicine will validate their insight almost twenty centuries later when it is demonstrated that the supply of clean water and the sewage disposal system are two key indicators of a population’s health level.
December 5, 2023

Roman Magistrate: The Supreme Command in Ancient Rome

During the Roman Monarchy, the king was the sole magistrate. He was assisted by two questors whom he appointed, as well as other assistants for various tasks. When he died, an interrex (interregnum) presided over the Senate and assemblies until the selection of a new king. Under the Republic, the executive branch was composed of both ordinary and extraordinary magistrates. Each ordinary magistrate was elected by one of the two main assemblies. The primary extraordinary magistrate, the dictator, was appointed with the approval of the Senate.

Imperialium, or “supreme command” in Latin, was held by the consuls and praetors, the two highest-ranking ordinary magistrates. Imperium authorized a magistrate to command military forces. Consuls held a higher level of imperium than praetors. After the fall of the Republic, the old republican magistracies (dictatorship, consulship, praetorship, censorship, aedileship, quaestorship, and tribunate) were partially abandoned, with the remaining ones losing all power. The emperor became the master of the state. The advent of the Empire was equivalent to the restoration of the ancient monarchy. The emperor held undisputed power, the Senate became a mere advisor without authority, and the assemblies were completely powerless.

Magistrates of the Roman Monarchy

During the Roman Monarchy, the king was the sole magistrate. His authority was absolute in reality. The king could have several assistants. In the event of a monarch’s demise, an interrex was designated to oversee the process of choosing a successor.

The King of Rome

The king combined executive, religious, judicial, and legislative powers. He was also the sole commander-in-chief of the armies. The king of Rome was technically elected by the people of Rome. Nevertheless, in practice, it was the Senate that actually held the power to elect a new king. The interregnum was the time that elapsed after a monarch died and before his successor was elected. At this time, the Senate selected an interrex.

Following this, the interrex nominated a potential heir (claimant) to the throne, who would then be put to a vote in the Senate. If the Senate voted in favor of the claimant, they would stand for the official elections, that is, the vote of the people through the comitia curiata (popular assembly). After the claimant was elected by the comitia curiata, the Senate ratified the election using its auctoritas patrum. The interrex then declared the claimant as the new king.

The new king would then take the auspices and be invested with imperium by the application of the lex curiata de imperio by the comitia curiata. According to Sallust, the imperium possessed by the king (resulting from the application of the lex curiata de imperio by the comitia curiata) is known as the imperium legitimum.

This probably means that the only limit imposed on the king was to respect the mos maiorum. In practice, this did not impose any real restrictions on power. Sometimes, the king accepted restrictions on his power. Typically, the king would want a declaration of war to be ratified by the comitia curiata before engaging. Such ratification was not necessary but ensured the king the support of the people (who would fight in that war).

King’s Assistants

Several officers could be chosen to assist the king. When the king left the city, a substitute (the praefectus urbi or “prefect of the city”) governed the city in the absence of the king. The king also had two questors (quaestores parricidii) as general assistants. Several magistrates, known as duumviri perduellionis, assisted the king in cases of treason. During a war, the king occasionally delegated command of the cavalry to the tribunus celerum.

Interrex

When the king (from the Latin rex) died, his powers were transferred to the Senate. The period following the king’s death, ending with the election of his successor, is called the interregnum. When an interregnum began, an interrex was appointed. It is unclear how each interregnum’s initial interrex was selected.

It is known, however, that every interrex had a five-day grace period during which they were required to step down and assign a replacement until a king was chosen. The interrex and king were identical except for the time each held power. Equal to the king’s authority was the interrex. While its primary function was to ease the handover of power from one monarch to another, the interrex’s influence extended well beyond this.

Roman Republic Magistrates

There was a certain level of authority (maior potestas, “greater powers”) that all Roman magistrates (magistratus) had since they were each given a set amount of power. Dictators had more authority than any other magistrate. No magistrate could use their veto power to overturn the decision of a lower-ranking magistrate. As a result, the judgments made by the Senate or the assembly could not be overturned by any magistrate.

As the tribunes of the plebs and plebeian aediles were not strictly speaking magistrates, they were not subject to the distribution of “greater powers.” In general, this made them independent of other magistrates. For example, this is why their actions could not be blocked by the consuls’ veto. Tribunes did not rely on their powers to obstruct magistrates, comitia, and the Senate through a veto but rather on the sacrosanctity of their person (intercessio). If a magistrate, assembly, or the Senate did not comply with a tribune’s orders, the tribune could, through the use of intercessio, block that particular action. Any aggression against a tribune was considered a capital offense.

Each ordinary magistrate could obstruct (veto) an action taken by a magistrate of equal or lower rank. If this obstruction occurred between two magistrates with the same powers (like two praetors), it was then called par potestas. This form of obstruction was not a veto per se but rather straightforward opposition. To prevent this, magistrates used the principle of alternation, allocating responsibilities by lot or seniority, or assigning certain magistrates control (provinciae) over specific functions. For instance, each consul held the fasces for one month and then handed them over to their colleague the following month, and so on.

If this obstruction occurred against a magistrate with less power (such as a consul acting against a praetor), it was then called intercessio. In this case, the magistrate opposed their superior power (maior potestas) to nullify the acts of a lower-ranking magistrate.

Powers of Magistrates

Each republican magistrate held certain constitutional powers (potestas), including imperium, coercitio, and auspicia (religious powers). These powers were balanced by several constitutional constraints, including collegiality (collega), the citizens’ right to appeal to the people (provocatio), and a constitutional division of powers (provincia). Only the people of Rome (plebeians and patricians) had the right to confer these powers upon a magistrate.

The most crucial of the constitutional powers was the imperium. It was held by both consuls and praetors. Defined in a restricted manner, it simply gave a magistrate the necessary authority to command a military force. More broadly, it bestowed upon the magistrate the constitutional authority to command in military, diplomatic, civil, or other domains. The magistrate’s imperium was at its maximum when they were abroad. While a magistrate was physically present in the city of Rome, they might have to completely relinquish their imperium.

All magistrates possessed the power of coercitio, used to maintain public order, though in Rome, all citizens enjoyed absolute protection against coercitio. This protection ensured the right to appeal to the people (provocatio). Provocatio required appealing to a tribune. As no tribune could retain their powers outside the city of Rome, the power of coercitio was absolute beyond the city’s borders.

Magistrates had both the power and duty to interpret omens (auspicia). An omen was an event understood as a sign sent by the gods. Auspices could be used to obstruct political adversaries. By declaring having witnessed an omen, a magistrate could justify their decision to end a legislative assembly or Senate meeting or their decision to veto a colleague.

Limits on the Magistrate’s Powers

Roman magistrates faced some restrictions on their powers. Three of these restrictions were collega, provocatio, and provincia. As long as a magistrate was in the city of Rome, collega and provocatio were at their maximum. While the magistrate was outside, provincia was the primary restriction on their power. Their powers were also limited by the duration of their term (usually one year). One of these restrictions was collegiality (collega). Each magistracy was concurrently held by at least two individuals to minimize the risks of tyranny and facilitate successions. For instance, consuls always governed in pairs.

Another restriction was provocatio, a precursor to the modern principle of habeas corpus. Every Roman citizen had an absolute right to provocatio. If a magistrate attempted to use their powers against a citizen (for example, to punish a citizen for a presumed crime), the citizen could appeal to the people (provoco ad populum). In this case, a tribune intervened with the power to assist the citizen. Often, the tribune brought the case of justice before a legislative assembly, a tribunal, or the college of tribunes to render the final verdict. Provocatio was used to control the coercive power (coercitio) of magistrates.

Provincia served as an additional check on the power of magistrates. Provincia compelled the division of responsibilities. For example, provincial governors each had supreme power over their province. Following the provincia principle, these governors couldn’t bring their army into another province. Once the annual mandate of a magistrate expired, they had to wait ten years before running again for the same magistracy. As this posed challenges for some magistrates, especially consuls and praetors, their imperium could be occasionally “prorogued.” They then held the same powers (as promagistrates) without officially occupying the magistracy. In practice, they acted as provincial governors.

Magistrates

By definition, a magistrate (magistratus) was an individual elected by the people of Rome (populus Romanus). In this capacity, they were considered representatives of the entire Roman people. Each magistrate acquired a degree of power (maior potestas).

Consuls

The consul of the Roman Republic was the highest among ordinary magistrates. The supreme power of the consul resulted in no ordinary magistrate holding a higher rank of maior potestas than the consul (other than the censor, who lacks imperium). The major potestas of the consul were illustrated by twelve lictors accompanying each consul. Each of them carried a ceremonial axe known as fasces, symbolizing the state’s power to punish and execute.

The consuls were elected by the centuriate assemblies. The consular mandate lasted for one year, and each consul always had another consul as a colleague. Over the years, one of the consuls became superior to their colleague. This surplus of power was exchanged monthly between the two consuls. The one with the most power for a given month held the fasces. After completing their mandate, a consul had to wait ten years before running for the consulship again.

The consuls held supreme power in both civil and military matters. In Rome, the consul holding the fasces was, in fact, at the helm of the Roman government. The governance of the government ultimately fell under the authority of this consul. They were then tasked with enforcing the laws enacted by the assemblies and the Senate, which they presided over.

The consul also served as the head of diplomacy and facilitated exchanges between foreign embassies and the Senate. The consul was invested with the highest level of ordinary imperium. While abroad, each consul commanded an army. At that time, neither the Senate, nor the assemblies, nor the tribunes could oppose them. Thus, their authority abroad was nearly absolute. The first consul appointed after the expulsion of Tarquin the Proud, the last king of Rome, was Lucius Junius Brutus, a nephew of Tarquin.

Praetors

The praetors administered civil laws and commanded provincial armies. They were elected by the centuriate assemblies for an annual mandate, similar to the consuls. When both consuls were outside Rome, the urban praetor governed the city as an “interim consul.” Some praetors (praetor urbanus) assisted in the management of the central government. They could administer civil laws or act as judges in the courts. Other praetors had responsibilities in foreign affairs, often serving as governors of provinces.

Censors

Every five years (a lustrum), two censors were elected by the centuriate assembly for a term of eighteen months. Following their election, the centuriate assembly granted them censorial powers (by voting on the lex potestate de censoria). The censors did not hold imperium and therefore could not summon either the Senate or any legislative assembly.

Despite having curule seats, they did not possess fasces and were not accompanied by lictors. While theoretically holding a higher rank than the consuls (and thus higher than all ordinary magistracies), their decisions could only be blocked by the veto of another censor or a tribune. Generally, the censors did not act together, but one censor needed the agreement of their colleague to downgrade a citizen’s status during the census.

During their tenure in the censorship, they conducted a census, allowing them to admit citizens to the Senate or expel them. They had to update the list of citizens and their assets in the city, requiring them to be familiar with certain details of their lives. These inquiries sometimes led the censors to take action against a citizen for various moral offenses, such as bankruptcy and cowardice. As a penalty (“censure”), the censor could impose a fine on the citizen or sell their property.

Once the census was completed, the censor conducted a religious ceremony, the lustrum, validating the result of the census.

Aediles

Aediles were magistrates responsible for domestic affairs in Rome. The tribal assembly, under the presidency of a consul, elected two curule aediles for an annual term. Although curule aediles did not hold fasces, they occupied a curule seat. They had broad powers concerning daily affairs in the city of Rome. They managed markets, spectacles, and games. They also took care of the maintenance of buildings such as temples, aqueducts, and sewers.

Questors

The magistracy of questor is considered the lowest-ranking. Questors were elected by the tribal assemblies for an annual term. They assisted the consuls in Rome and the governors of provinces, with their duties often being of a financial nature.

Tribunes and Plebeian Aediles

As tribunes and plebeian aediles were elected only by the plebeians, rather than by the entire Roman populace, they were not technically magistrates. They were elected by the plebeian council. Initially, the sole task of a plebeian aedile was to assist the tribune. Nevertheless, over the years, the distinction between plebeian aediles and curule aediles disappeared.

Since tribunes were considered the embodiment of the plebeians, they were sacrosanct. Their sacrosanctity was reinforced by the plebeians’ vow to kill anyone who harmed the tribune during their term. All the powers of the tribunes derived from this sacrosanct status. An obvious consequence was that it was considered a capital offense to assault a tribune, ignore their veto, or thwart their actions. Being independent of all other magistrates, their actions could only be blocked by the veto of other tribunes.

The sacrosanctity of the tribune (as well as all tribunician powers) only took effect as long as the tribune remained in Rome. If the tribune left Rome, the plebeians could no longer enforce their oath. The Tribunes had the authority to uphold the right of provocatio. It was a theoretical guarantee of legal security and a precursor to our own habeas corpus.

If a magistrate threatened to take action against a citizen, the citizen could cry provoco ad populum. This had the effect of appealing to a tribune from the magistrate’s decision. The tribune then had to assess the situation and give approval to the magistrate before they could act. Any action taken despite a valid provocatio was considered an illegal act.

The tribunes could use their sacrosanctity when someone physically mistreated an individual (such as during an arrest) and order the imposition of the death penalty against an individual who obstructed their path. Additionally, tribunes could physically intervene (intercessio) against a magistrate, the Senate, or an assembly, this action having the same effect as a veto.

If a magistrate, the Senate, or an assembly refused to respect a tribune’s veto, the tribune could use their sacrosanctity as protection and physically force them to comply. Moreover, the tribunes presided over the plebeian council. Therefore, they were authorized to open and close sessions, as well as introduce matters before the council.

Dictators and Senatus Consultum Ultimum

In times of war, during critical circumstances for the Roman Republic, a dictator was appointed for six months. The government was dissolved after the Senate enacted a senatus consultum ultimum, authorizing the consuls to appoint a dictator, who then became the absolute master of the state for a maximum of six months. They assumed power immediately and appointed a master of the cavalry (magister equitum) to act as their chief lieutenant. Often, the dictator stepped down as soon as the issue justifying their appointment was resolved, thereby restoring the government to its pre-arrival state.

The last conventional dictator was appointed in 202 BCE. After this date, cases of extreme urgency were managed through the passage of a senatus consultum ultimum, which suspended civilian government and instituted martial law (or something analogous). Indeed, this invested the consuls with dictatorial powers.

There were several reasons why the Senate began to use the senatus consultum ultimum rather than appointing a dictator in cases of extreme urgency after 202 BCE. During the 3rd century BCE, a series of laws were ratified, allowing the control of dictatorial power. In addition, the aristocracy lost their monopoly on appointing dictators when a statute was passed in 217 BCE that granted this authority to the popular assemblies.

Summary

Magistracy	Curule seat and pretext toga	Imperium	Designated by	Auspice	Type of Judiciary
Dictator	Yes	Yes	Consul	Major Auspices	Extraordinary
Magister Equitum	Yes	Yes	Dictator	Major Auspices	Extraordinary
Consul	Yes	Yes	Comitia Centuriates	Major Auspices	Ordinary
Censor	Yes	No	Comitia Centuriates	Major Auspices	Ordinary
Praetor	Yes	Yes	Comitia Centuriates	Major Auspices	Ordinary
Curule Aediles	Yes	No	Comices tributes	Auspice Minor	Ordinary
Plebeian Aedile	No	No	Comices tributes	–	Ordinary
Quaestor	No	No	Comices tributes	Auspice Minor	Ordinary
Tribune of the Plebs	No	No	Comices tributes	–	Ordinary
Interrex	Yes	Yes	Senate	Major Auspices	Extraordinary

Magistrates of the Roman Empire

A distinction needed to be made between the title “princeps” and that of “emperor.” While the term “emperor” derived from the honorary title of “imperator,” the word itself only appeared in its modern form when Charlemagne was crowned “emperor” in the 8th century. The most appropriate term for referring to the early emperors would be “princeps.” This term simply meant “the first citizen.”

Under the Empire, most of the old republican magistracies continued to exist. Nevertheless, they quickly became powerless.

Emperor (Princeps)

Theoretically, the Senate elected each new emperor. In practice, however, each emperor appointed his own successor. After his death, he granted his legal powers to his successor (tribunician powers and proconsular imperium), theoretically necessary for being named emperor. After the emperor’s death, it was up to the army to ratify or reject his choice. If an individual had the support of the army, the Senate would acquiesce under the guise of an independent election.

The legal basis for the emperor’s power rested on his proconsular imperium and tribunician powers. His proconsular imperium gave him the authority to command the entire Roman army. His tribunician powers provided him with complete control over the civil apparatus in Rome and made his magistracy and person sacrosanct.

Consular and Proconsular Powers

Under his proconsular imperium (imperium proconsulare), the emperor held the same rank of imperium as the consuls. This granted him the same degree of authority held by the consuls. However, as the emperor was (almost) never a consul, he was not bound by the constitutional restrictions of that magistracy. For example, he was not required to observe collegiality (having no colleague), and his acts could not be blocked by a veto.

His proconsular imperium gave him command and authority over all the proconsuls. Since the proconsuls commanded each province, most of the Roman army was stationed there. Thus, by commanding the proconsuls, the emperor acquired control over almost the entire Roman army. Finally, the imperium rank granted to the emperor included powers that, under the Republic, were reserved for the Senate and the assemblies. This encompassed the right to declare war, ratify treaties, and negotiate with foreign nations.

Tribunician Powers

While the proconsular imperium gave the emperor authority over the Roman military apparatus, his tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia) bestowed powers over the Roman civil apparatus. Perhaps the most useful aspect of the tribunician powers was their prestige, derived from the popular history of this magistracy (the tribunate). His tribunician powers granted the emperor the legal rank to preside over (and thus dominate) the assemblies and the Senate.

They also gave him the right to veto any acts of the popular assemblies and the Senate. However, the assemblies quickly lost their powers, and obstruction from the Senate against the emperor was unlikely. When an emperor was invested with tribunician powers, his magistracy and person became sacrosanct. It was a capital offense to harm (or even attempt to harm) the emperor. It was also a capital offense (punishable by death) to obstruct the emperor or speak ill of him.

Additional Powers

The emperor had the authority to perform duties that, under the Republic, were reserved for the censors, notably the collection of taxes and the right to grant public subsidies. He could also control public morality (censorship) and conduct a census. With control over the census, the emperor had absolute control over the admission of members to the Senate. He had the power to issue edicta (“edicts”), decreta (“decrees”), and rescripta (“rescripts”). Edicta generally concerned matters related to the army, the treasury, or supplies. Decreta were judicial decisions. Rescripta were published in response to important questions posed by private citizens.

During the Republic, the aerarium Saturni (Public Treasury of the Temple of Saturn) housed the state’s treasury, with control vested solely in the Senate. In the early principate, the Senate retained control over the aerarium Saturni for a while but gradually lost it. Emperor Augustus established two new treasuries, namely, the fiscus Caesaris and the aerarium militare.

The fiscus Caesaris replaced the aerarium Saturni, emerging as Rome’s primary treasury. Even though the emperor now controlled the public treasury, he technically did not violate tradition by outright taking control of the aerarium Saturni. The aerarium militare held lesser significance, primarily serving to contain funds for soldier payments. The emperor also wielded control over religious institutions. By dominating both political and religious institutions, the emperor became the true master of the State.

Republican Magistracies under the Empire

Under the Empire, citizens were divided into three classes: the senatorial order, the equestrian order, and the plebeians. Each citizen could pursue a career in public service, and each of these three classes had separate career opportunities known as the cursus honorum. Magistracies in the old republic were only open to citizens of the senatorial class. The surviving executive magistracies after the fall of the Republic (in order of the cursus honorum) included the consulship, the praetorship, the tribunate of the plebs, the quaestorship, the aedileship, and the military tribunate.

Consuls

During the transition from the Republic to the Empire, the essential powers of republican consuls shifted to the emperor. Moreover, one had to be appointed by the emperor before running for any magistracy. This resulted in the loss of independence for consuls, diminishing both their powers and prestige. Furthermore, under the Empire, consuls often resigned before completing their terms, further weakening the consulship. With weakened consuls, the Senate itself lost influence, and the emperor gained increasing power.

After the fall of the Republic, the consuls held no real power. The authority (as well as the prestige) of the consulship declined, and the consuls became, in a sense, high-ranking magistrates. The imperial consuls presided over the Senate, acted as judges in certain criminal cases, and controlled public games and demonstrations. Generally, consular authority did not extend beyond the civil administration of Italy or senatorial provinces.

Praetors

For a brief period, the praetors had control over the treasury. The power of the praetors was at its height when they also presided over the quaestiones perpetuae (“permanent legal inquiries”). The significance of the praetorship collapsed when Emperor Hadrian issued a decree called the edictum perpetuum. This decree deprived the praetorship of its right to issue edicts and transferred most judicial powers to the consuls or judges of provincial courts.

Tribunes

Under the Empire, the tribunes remained sacrosanct. In theory, they retained the power to convene (or exercise their veto rights on) the Senate and assemblies. The tribunes’ powers over the assemblies became meaningless since the assemblies themselves no longer had real powers. The only real influence of the tribunes was their ability to veto a senatorial decision. Tribunes also had the power to impose fines and retained their power of provocatio.

Quaestors

Augustus divided the college of quaestors into two parts. One part served in senatorial provinces, while the other part assisted in the administration of the central government. One quaestor was assigned to each senatorial province, except Sicily, which had two, making a total of twelve quaestors.

For the remaining eight quaestors, two served in the internal jurisdiction of the city of Rome (the quaestores urbani). Finally, the two consuls and the emperor each had two quaestors assigned to them. During the reign of Augustus, control over grain supply shifted from the édiles to a special council. Subsequently, they lost their remaining powers, including the ability to maintain order in the city, rendering this magistracy powerless, and it disappeared around the middle of the 3rd century.

Magistracies Abolished

During his consulship in 44 BC, Mark Antony abolished the extraordinary magistracies of dictator and Magister Equitum (Master of the Cavalry). The magistracy of interrex was also eliminated during the transition from the Republic to the Empire. Censorship disappeared permanently after the reign of Emperor Claudius.

Executive Magistrates of the Late Roman Empire

The executive magistracies had hardly more powers than municipal offices after Diocletian became emperor. His reforms merely formalized what was already happening. Consuls could only preside over the Senate. The praetors and quaestors could only organize public games. The praetor still retained some limited judicial authority. Other magistracies disappeared.

The first two consuls of a year, the consules ordinarii, were appointed by the emperor. The term of the consules ordinarii ended on April 21. All other consuls of the year (having less prestige, the consules suffecti) were elected by the Senate, which also elected the praetors and quaestors. However, the approval of the emperor was necessary for the election to be certified.

References

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Tag: ancient rome

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An Engaged Roman Citizen

The Conspiracy of Catiline

Cicero on the Path to Exile

Return to Politics

Civil War

Death of Cicero

Works of Cicero

Cicero: Key Dates

Romans Wore Togas

The Roman Empire Had Many Slaves, and They Lived Very Poorly

Emperor Caligula Made His Horse a Consul

The Death of Gladiators in the Arena – A Favorite Spectacle of the Romans

Nero Set Fire to Rome

The Inhabitants of Ancient Rome Were Engulfed in Orgies and Feasts

The Roman Empire Was the Largest in History

Roman Legionnaires Wore Red Clothing and Armor

Around 2500 BC: The Beginning of Column Design

Around 700 BC: Formation of the Classical Order

Around 70 AD: The Beginning of the Widespread Use of Arched Structures

318: The Return of Early Christian Architects to Wooden Roof Trusses

532: The Beginning of the Use of Domes on Pendentives by Byzantine Architects

Around 1030: The Return to Arched Vault Construction in Romanesque Architecture

1135: Gothic Architects Give Arched Structures a Pointed Shape

1419: During the Renaissance, Baroque, and Classicism, Styles Are Formed Regardless of New Structural Innovations

1830: The Beginning of the “Railroad Fever” Led to the Widespread Use of Metal Structures in Construction

1850: Glass Becomes a Full-fledged Building Material

1861: The Beginning of Industrial Use of Reinforced Concrete

1919: The Integration of All Technological Capabilities in a New “Modern” Style

Commodus: A Birth in Purple

Early Reign of Commodus

Influence of Perennius and the Attempt on His Life

Troubles Sown by Maternus

Tormented Roman Emperor and Cleander

Gladiator Emperor

Prodigies and Divination

Last Excesses

Commodus’s Fall

Commodus’ Reputation Over the Centuries

Year of the Four Emperors

Vespasian’s Rise to Power

Vespasian Emperor: Restoration

A New Dynasty: Flavians

Hadrian’s Little-Known Childhood

The Rise of a Provincial

Coming to Power

Hadrian’s Passions

Stabilizing the Empire

Harmonizing the Empire

Reforming the Empire

The Troubled End of Hadrian’s Reign

Hadrian’s Travels

From Syria to Rome (117–118 CE)

From Rome to Britain (121–126 CE)

From Africa to the East (128–134 CE)

The Return to Rome and the Final Years (134–138 CE)

Background to the Battle of Strasbourg

Julian the Apostate Faced with an Outbreak of Violence

Setting Up An Army

The Shock of the Battle of Strasbourg

The Rout of the Barbarians

Battle of Strasbourg Epilogue

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Where and When Did the Gallic Wars Take Place?

Which Gallic Peoples Were Subdued by Julius Caesar?

Why Did Julius Caesar Write the Book Gallic Wars?

What Was Vercingetorix’s Role in the Gallic Wars?

Why and How Did the Gauls Lose the Gallic Wars?

What Were the Consequences of the Gallic Wars?

Constructions

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Medicine