Caracalla is a Roman emperor who, in the collective imagination, remains known as a violent and impetuous man. Succeeding his father in 211, he continued a hereditary dynastic power, unlike the Antonine line (except for Commodus, who succeeded his father Marcus Aurelius) which adopted whoever they deemed most worthy. This element of imperial succession, never codified by law in Rome, always posed a problem for the Romans, as examples from the past, like Domitian, left a bitter taste.
The Difficult Succession of Septimius Severus
Early on, the sons of Emperor Septimius Severus, known in tradition as Caracalla and Geta, violently opposed each other. Caracalla, born in 188, was associated with imperial power by his father in 196, and his brother Geta in 198. Upon their father’s death, both were propelled to the leadership of the Roman Empire, according to the deceased’s will.
But their conflict seemingly divided them on everything, as Herodian describes. Septimius Severus died in Britain, and from that moment, the court returned to Rome, where the two successors were to seek the Senate’s nominal approval for their accession to power. Greeted with enthusiasm in the Eternal City, the two brothers began by honoring their father with grandiose funerals.
However, tensions soon resumed, each trying to win the favor of everyone. It is here that Herodian gives us portraits of the two emperors, so different from one another. Geta is portrayed, according to Roman standards, as a moderate, kind, and gentle prince, contrasted with Caracalla, who is rough, violent, and undistinguished.
This stark opposition between the two brothers is emphasized by the writer, following the important elements of Roman tradition, which valued moderation in all circumstances. Caracalla is depicted as a soldier, therefore an inherently troubling figure, different from the others. Roman civilians, especially of high rank, had a near-natural mistrust of soldiers, fearing their violence and hubris (excess).
These intrigues, born of the hostility between the princes, led to an attempted amicable settlement; the Empire was to be divided, with the West going to Caracalla and the East to Geta. There was a precedent for this, as Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus had shared the Roman world between 161 and 169.
A Mother Against Discord
But the plan to divide the Empire found no resolution; their mother, Julia Domna, reportedly exclaimed: “Earth and sea, my children, you have found a way to divide, and, as you say, the Propontic Gulf separates the continents. But your mother, how would you parcel her? How am I, unhappy, wretched – how am I to be torn and ripped asunder for the pair of you? Kill me first, and after you have claimed your share, let each one perform the funeral rites for his portion. Thus would I, too, together with earth and sea, be partitioned between you.” (Herodian, IV, 3.8).
The plan was abandoned, and the emperors returned to their intrigues, each trying to place his men in the highest positions until Caracalla, driven, according to Herodian, by a desire to rule alone, either killed or had his brother killed (Herodian, IV, 4; Historia Augusta, II, 4; and Cassius Dio, 77, 2). The three sources are somewhat contradictory, with Herodian claiming that Caracalla killed his brother with his own hand, a version emphasizing the emperor’s natural ferocity, in line with his previous depiction as a menacing soldier.
The version in Historia Augusta is not to be dismissed and aligns more with imperial practices, especially since it agrees with Cassius Dio’s account, stating that Caracalla had plotted the assassination. In any case, the murderous emperor did everything to position himself as the victim of his brother’s machinations, which had driven him to fratricide. The sources agree, however, on the emperor’s strategic generosity towards the soldiers, giving them a large donativa (special gift) to secure their loyalty; Herodian speaks of “two thousand five hundred Attic drachmas and double the usual grain ration” (Herodian IV, 4).
But this also followed a certain tradition, as his father had strongly based his authority on military power, the foundation of his rule, following his victories over rivals Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus. The next day, Caracalla addressed the Senate, where, according to Herodian, he delivered a speech exonerating himself and blaming Geta, terrifying the audience with his anger and his strong military escort. Historia Augusta is more succinct, merely stating that the senators listened reluctantly, as the source is of senatorial origin.
Damnatio Memoriae and Proscriptions
This is when the elimination of his brother’s memory began, following a well-known Roman practice: the condemnation of memory. This involved erasing any mention of an unworthy emperor from public space, thus preserving the sacred dignity of imperial office from unforgivable stains. Images and inscriptions bearing Geta’s name were thus destroyed and disappeared from everyday life. Severe repression then fell on all those who had been associated with his brother. Potential opposition, even among senators, generals, and some members of the imperial family, was decimated.
The authors go on at length about his cruelties and multiple assassinations, reflecting the viewpoint of the “party” most affected, the Roman nobles, presented as innocent victims of a tyrant, though it is impossible to know if they had plotted anything. What is certain is that the reality of imperial power, so immense, was undermined from within by the absence of a clear succession rule, allowing anyone with some noble distinction to claim the purple. Previous reigns were full of intrigues, with Nero’s being the most documented in this respect.
In any case, what is primarily targeted in Caracalla, whether by Herodian or Historia Augusta, is his character, close to that of soldiers.
Caracalla: The Soldier Emperor
Reigning under the name Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Augustus, Caracalla is described as a coarse and cruel figure, even associated with worse than Roman soldiers in senatorial circles: the Germanic barbarians. Indeed, after the dramatic events in Rome, Caracalla reportedly went to the provinces, first to Gaul, according to Historia Augusta, where he executed the prefect of Narbonensis, then to the Danube, where, like Commodus, he indulged in his passions for hunting and chariot racing. He reportedly forged ties with the Germans, who respected him greatly for his behavior and coarse habits. They then provided auxiliaries for his army.
The emperor selected the best fighters for his personal guard. With such “associations” in his entourage, Caracalla allegedly displayed more and more a Germanic costume, much to the dismay of the Romans. All of this must be analyzed with caution, as it is heavily influenced by the biases of the senatorial order and the Roman nobility in general. Indeed, the emperor’s displayed personality aligned him with soldiers, men viewed with suspicion and disdain in the refined world of Rome. They were in contact with the enemy, the barbarian, whose traits they supposedly adopted, according to civilians who had only a limited understanding of the frontier world, so well explained by C. R. Whittaker. This world instilled fear, excited imaginations, and evoked disgust.
The connections presented by Herodian with the Germanic world are quite normal for a warrior emperor who frequently interacted with enemies, who were sometimes allies or comrades in arms. Barbarian fashion also began to penetrate the Empire, influencing the Roman army, which adopted elements suited to climatic and military realities. In this context, the emperor is depicted participating in army exercises, helping to dig fortifications, living alongside the troops, and eating frugally and simply. Herodian views this with contempt, which is unusual among authors writing about emperors or mere imperatores.
Indeed, Emperor Julian, who behaved similarly, is praised by Livy, but Livy was a former soldier, and this attitude is found throughout Roman historiography, especially in Livy’s accounts of the Roman army in Spain under Scipio Aemilianus, and in Tacitus’s writings, particularly regarding Titus. This aspect is generally presented positively by authors, but Herodian’s portrayal of Caracalla emphasizes the negative, sarcastically noting that it was “And it is certainly true that the performance of such strenuous tasks by a man of small stature was worthy of admiration.” (Herodian IV, 7).
To the Four Corners of the Empire
After reorganizing the troops stationed along the Danube, Caracalla proceeded to Thrace, where he openly displayed his deep admiration for the memory of Alexander the Great. Although Herodian’s descriptions on this subject may elicit some amusement due to their satirical tone, we must remember that the Persian mirage was profoundly significant for the Romans—especially for emperors and generals—who sought to connect themselves to the legacy of the glorious Macedonian.
Since Crassus, who was massacred in his attempt, many Roman generals ventured eastward: Mark Antony, Caesar (who was assassinated before his departure), Corbulo, Trajan, Septimius Severus… Thus, it is hardly surprising to see Caracalla, a resolutely military emperor, seeking to place himself within this tradition. Upon arriving in Troy, he also identified with Achilles, the most perfect warrior, as well as Sulla and Hannibal. These military models align with his personal inclinations, which stood in stark contrast to the views of the Roman aristocracy, as conveyed through the pen of Herodian. A military writer would likely have adopted a very different perspective.
Unlike Antoninus Pius, who barely traveled during his reign, Caracalla embarked on an ever-lengthening journey. After returning from Britain following his father’s death, he went to Rome, then to Gaul, as we have seen, then to the Danube, Thrace, and finally to the city of Troy. From there, he crossed Asia, passing through Bithynia, and eventually stopped in Antioch before heading to Alexandria. There, he displayed great reverence towards his model, Alexander. He offered sacrifices and libations and paid homage to the memory of the great conqueror by placing his imperial regalia on Alexander’s tomb.
However, the emperor’s pride was wounded by the mockery of some of the inhabitants. It was almost a tradition for the people of Alexandria and Antioch to ridicule their rulers, sometimes provoking harsh retaliation, as happened with Caracalla. He gathered many young noblemen under the pretense of honoring them, only to have a large number of them massacred as revenge for the insults made against him. “The caustic wit of the Alexandrians had been turned against Antoninus, and instead of maintaining a discreet silence about the murder of Geta, they called the mother of the two emperors a Jocasta, and mocked a pygmy like Caracalla for playing the roles of great heroes like Achilles and Alexander.
These jokes, which they believed to be harmless, ignited the irascible and bloodthirsty temper of Antoninus, who from that moment sought their destruction.” (Herodian, IV, 9). Emperor Julian would face similar troubles with the people of Antioch, prompting him to write the bitter Misopogon, though it remains a remarkable work. Caracalla, for his part, returned to Antioch.
The Marriage with the East and Macrinus
Caracalla then conceived the idea of asking for the hand of a daughter of the Parthian king Artabanus, in hopes of uniting the two empires under a common scepter. The request was initially rejected, but the king eventually relented under Caracalla’s persistence. It was at this point that Caracalla launched his Parthian campaign, apparently hoping to catch the Iranians by surprise, as they expected the future son-in-law of their king.
However, Herodian’s account differs significantly from other sources, which raises suspicion (Cassius Dio, 77, 19: “The pretext for his war in his expedition against the Parthians was that Vologases had refused, despite his demands, to hand over Tiridates and a certain Antiochus.”). It is likely wiser to view this as a confusing campaign, as explained in the Historia Augusta (VI, 4). In any case, the sources are quite difficult to interpret on this point, and a second campaign followed, likely framing the journey to Egypt.
During this campaign, the emperor was accompanied by the praetorian prefect Macrinus, who, in contrast to Caracalla, was considered a refined and distinguished man. Apparently, Macrinus harbored a great deal of resentment after being mocked by Caracalla. It is worth noting that such behavior was fairly common in the Roman Empire, where populations were often stigmatized based on widely accepted stereotypes.
Macrinus was seen as weak—a criticism often directed at Easterners. Even Julian faced similar judgments when he was a young Caesar arriving freshly from Asia… In contrast, Caracalla behaved in a decidedly military manner, closely aligning himself with his soldiers. Macrinus then plotted against the tough emperor, and through the centurion Martial—whom Caracalla had also ridiculed—managed to have him killed and seized power in April 217.
Caracalla’s Legacy: The Baths of Caracalla
Among his achievements, Caracalla left behind the gigantic baths in Rome. The Historia Augusta offers a significant commentary: “He left in Rome several monuments, among them the magnificent baths that bore his name. The hall of these baths is such an extraordinary work that, according to architects, it would be impossible to build another like it. It is said that the entire vault rests on overlapping iron or bronze bars, and its span is so vast that skilled engineers cannot fathom how it was completed.” (Historia Augusta, 9, 4).
But it is his eponymous edict of 212, also known as the Constitutio Antoniniana (Constitution [or Edict], Edict of Caracalla or the Antonine Constitution), that remains the major legacy of his reign. This edict granted Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the empire, effectively solidifying a form of globalization within the Roman Empire. No longer merely an aggregate of provinces, it had become a unified whole, distinct from the outside world.
