Tag: napoleon bonaparte

Won by General Napoleon Bonaparte over the Mamelukes of Egypt on July 21, 1798, the Battle of the Pyramids is the most prestigious (and rare) French victory of the Egyptian campaign. It left to posterity one of the most famous quotes from the future emperor: “From the top of these pyramids, forty centuries of history are watching you!”… Following in the footsteps of Caesar and Alexander, the young general led the armies of the Republic into a mad military and scientific adventure on the land of the Pharaohs, occupied by the legendary Mamelukes… At the gates of Cairo, their mythical cavalry, reputed to be the best in the world, was crushed by the infantry of the French expeditionary force. This is the story of an “Egyptian Azincourt” at the foot of the millennia-old pyramids.

The Egyptian Campaign

In 1798, the Directory entrusted General Bonaparte with an expedition to the eastern Mediterranean aimed at disrupting British interests in the East. On May 19, 1798, the French fleet departed from Toulon with 32,000 men aboard.

Additionally, it was intended to sever a major commercial route from the English and serve as a base for a grand expedition towards the Far East, towards India, where they would fight the hereditary enemy alongside Maharajah Tipu Sultan. Hoping for the passivity of the Ottoman Empire in the face of this fait accompli, Bonaparte aimed to catch the 10,000 Mamelukes, who controlled the country under the command of twenty Beys, by surprise.

• Napoleon’s Mamelukes

Bonaparte had 40,000 men, but morale was low among the French soldiers, who, instead of finding an Eden, encountered a poor, starving country where the majority of the population consisted of wretched souls tormented by vermin. Bonaparte, therefore, aimed to move swiftly, to surprise his enemy and uplift his army with the euphoria of victory. The temperature reached 50°C in the shade, and the thick Western uniforms were not suited to this stifling climate.

The most sensible, reasonable path was the sacred river of Egypt, the Nile, a miraculous serpent of life in the midst of this arid land. But it was also the most predictable path, where they would be expected, and Bonaparte decided to bypass any potential defense by cutting directly through the desert, leaving only a flotilla to sail down the river from Rosetta to join the army at Ramanieh.

The Desert Crossing

Desaix’s division led the vanguard, followed by Reynier, Dugua, Bon, and Vial’s divisions. A week of desert crossing, a week of unimaginable suffering under a blazing sun. Water was scarce, the wells were filled with stones or clogged with salty earth, the cisterns found along the way were empty or poisoned, and they had to dig to find a source. Soldiers rushed and crushed each other for a sip of water; in the rear guard led by Bon, they were ordered to use teaspoons!

Food was also scarce, and the miserable huts encountered along the way did not provide the necessary supplies. Without mills or ovens, the army could not make use of the few wheat fields. The most prudent soldiers carefully preserved some melons picked before departure, and especially beans.

Foragers were sent to buy provisions in the few villages encountered, but the hostile and impoverished population had mostly fled. In Damanhour, the foragers of Reynier’s division were greeted with gunfire, and the battle ensued, with the resisters executed. The desert expanses thinned the ranks, disillusioned, exhausted, disoriented by mirages, suffering from ophthalmia, overwhelmed by the heat and deprivation, men resorted to suicide or fell behind… Around them lurked the Bedouins, predators circling a flock, who, unable to attack head-on, waited for a weakened individual to fall behind…

Those unlucky enough to fall into their hands were brutalized, slashed, and raped, and often only bloodied bodies were found. The atmosphere was ripe for revolt, as the veterans of the Army of the Rhine did not hold the same respect for the general-in-chief as those of the Army of Italy. Even the generals doubted, lost their tempers, and trampled on their hats. Desaix bluntly told Bonaparte: “If the army does not cross the desert with the speed of lightning, it will perish.” On the map, the route was only about a hundred kilometers, but the conditions were extreme, and they quickly decided to march at night.

Chebreiss: The Prelude to the Battle of the Pyramids

At the end of the journey, the soldiers’ joy at the sight of the Nile was equal to that of the Hebrews discovering manna from heaven. The half-brigades scattered, and everyone threw themselves into the river. A watermelon field marked this long-awaited moment. But already some Mamelukes were approaching, and they were chased away by gunfire. On July 10, Murad Bey sent a flotilla and 4,000 cavalry to meet the French. The clash occurred at Chebreiss, where the division formation in squares was inaugurated: these squares were actually rectangles, formed by six rows of infantry on the long sides, three rows on the short sides, with cannons loaded with grapeshot at the corners, and the cavalry, civilians, and baggage protected in the center.

The Mamelukes had blind faith in their cavalry, reputed to be the best in the world. Overconfident, they looked down on the invaders, thinking they would crush them at the first charge. Circassian slaves trained from a young age for war, the Mameluke cavalrymen were overarmed warriors who, carrying all their wealth in their saddlebags, fought fiercely to defend their possessions.

Adorned on all sides and emitting wild howls, their frenzied charge was enough to impress any ordinary mortal. But the French infantrymen were no longer easily impressed; most of them were veterans of the Rhine or Italy and waited calmly for the order to fire the deadly volley. At the Battle of Chebreiss, the Mamelukes’ counterattack was stopped dead by the discipline of the French soldiers. They retreated, leaving behind 300 cavalrymen, 400 to 500 infantrymen, and nine iron cannons on the burning sand.

On the river, the fight was fierce as the French fleet was boarded by Egyptian ships. The sailors, dismounted cavalrymen who were aboard, as well as the civilians (including Monge, Berthollet…), showed bravery and repelled the attackers. The Egyptian fleet withdrew as the current carried away the remains of a gunboat.

“From the top of these pyramids, forty centuries are watching you!”

The Beys were not as subdued by this defeat; they continued to haggle, no real recognition was made, and they still ignored where the enemy was coming from. Although they were certain of Bonaparte’s presence on the left bank of the Nile, they did not take the necessary measures to defend Cairo: their army could have entrenched itself on the right bank and patiently waited for a landing that it could have repelled at any point thanks to its cavalry’s mobility. Instead, Mourad Bey settled on the left bank, while Ibrahim Bey remained on the right in case a French army had landed on the other side.

After allowing his troops a bit of rest, Bonaparte resumed his relentless march toward Cairo. The army trudged through the burning sand dunes, constantly harassed by the Bedouins. On July 19, the village of Abou-Nichoubi put up fierce resistance against the French vanguard. The repression was ruthless, with civilians executed and houses burned. This brutal example rallied some of the local sheikhs. The divisions kept each other within sight, and on July 20, the pyramids appeared on the horizon.

Informed by spies of the isolation of Mourad’s army on the left bank, the attack was decided. At two in the morning, the army set off and marched 24 km to engage the enemy in the early afternoon of July 21, 1798. There, Bonaparte launched his famous proclamation (perhaps edited later):

“Bonaparte, member of the Institute, commander-in-chief.

Soldiers!

You have come to these lands to tear them from barbarism, to bring civilization to the East, and to free these beautiful regions from the yoke of England. Remember that from the top of these Pyramids, forty centuries are watching you!”

The Bey, along with his women, wealth, and slaves, had entrenched himself with 6,000 men—peasants, Nubians, and Janissaries—in the village of Embabeh, on the banks of the Nile, where Ibrahim’s boats and galleys sailed. Along the river, the Mamluk cavalry and about 20,000 irregulars were positioned. These latter forces, being mere peasants armed with sticks and clubs, had little military value, but the goal was to form a mass. Without tents to sleep in or organized supplies, they were often forced to return home in the evening.

Bonaparte had his divisions form squares and advanced them toward the heights of Waraq-el-Hader (2 km from the enemy camp), while Mamluk horsemen retreated as the army advanced. The right wing, commanded by Desaix, anchored itself at the village of Biktil and moved beyond it. The village, offering some resources and formidable defensive positions, became a strategic point where Reynier and Desaix positioned grenadiers, dismounted dragoons, line infantry, light infantry, and an artillery company.

Forming a curved line, the French divisions (Desaix, Reynier, Dugua, Vial, and Bon) stretched from the pyramids to the Nile, where Bon’s division anchored itself. Once in position, the order to rest was given, and the men dispersed to eat and drink. Suddenly, multicolored dots began to stir on the horizon.

The Battle Preparations

The Mamluks, feeling threatened with encirclement by the right wing’s advance, took up positions. Hastily, the French rejoined the ranks, reformed their squares, and prepared to face the best cavalry in the world. The first rank aimed bayonets at mid-height, the second and third ranks stood at the ready, weapons at shoulder, prepared to fire, and the last three ranks were kept in reserve. After an artillery salvo, the Mamluks charged, their hooves pounding the ground, a cloud of dust rising as golden harnesses flashed through the air.

The French soldiers remained impassive, shoulder to shoulder.

Some wounded Mamluks found the strength to crawl toward the French ranks, attempting to cut the infantry’s legs with their scimitars, but they were slashed to pieces. The cavalry circled in frustration. Trying to bypass the position, they charged between Desaix and Reynier but were caught in a crossfire. Unfortunately, the squares weren’t staggered enough, and friendly fire caused around twenty casualties. Within five minutes, 300 cavalrymen had been killed, about twice as many were wounded, and a panicked part of the Mamluks fled the battle. The others charged the village of Biktil, where they were repelled by the French, who were entrenched on rooftops and in gardens.

Some soldiers sent to fetch water from a nearby village hurried back to join the squares. A dragoon was caught by a Mamluk rider, and an epic duel ensued, as the entire army held its breath. Captain François recounted:

“At the moment when the Mamluks charged toward the village of Belbeis, several soldiers escaped and rejoined their divisions. A dragoon from the 15th regiment was attacked by a dismounted Mamluk; a fight broke out between them in the middle of Desaix’s and Reynier’s divisions. These two generals ordered a ceasefire on the side where the two adversaries were locked in combat. Finally, the dragoon killed the Mamluk and returned to the square; he had taken his enemy’s saber, a saber with a solid silver scabbard, as well as his dagger and pistol.”

The Battle of the Pyramids

In twenty minutes of battle, the cavalry disbands; a few riders take refuge in a park of palm trees to the west, from where they are driven out by skirmishers. The others return to the camp, spreading panic in Embabeh, where the Cairenes rush to the boats to save their lives. Meanwhile, Desaix and Reynier’s soldiers, who bore the brunt of the attack, seize the spoils, recovering equipment and treasures left in saddlebags and belts.

Bonaparte, galloping from one square to another, orders Dugua’s division to advance and position themselves between the Mamluks and Embabeh, and instructs Bon and Vial to capture the village. Two detachments form into columns and launch the assault, using a ditch as cover from enemy artillery. Vial maneuvers around the village from the west, while Bon sends Marmont and Rampon to attack. The forward flankers are charged in turn; forming squares, they fire point-blank at the Mamluks, so close that the gunpowder ignites their tunics, which continue to burn on the corpses.

The defenders fire their poorly maintained artillery but do not have time to reload before the French fall upon them. The Cairenes scatter, and only about 1,500 Mamluks remain, who are either killed or thrown into the Nile. The attackers capture the village, chasing the fleeing Egyptians along the Nile until they are forced by a wall to plunge into the river en masse.

Before Ibrahim’s reinforcements could land, the rout was complete. Many of the fugitives drown in the sacred river, including Ibrahim’s son-in-law, who is repeatedly struck by an enraged oarsman, killing him. Some sailors sink their ships to prevent them from falling into French hands, while Mourad’s vessel, filled with gunpowder, runs aground and is set on fire. Meanwhile, Desaix’s division resumes its march towards the Giza Plateau, pushing Mourad Bey’s last warriors before them.

A Victory That Forges Bonaparte’s Glory

In this memorable battle, which would become a significant episode in the Napoleonic epic, the French suffered 300 killed and wounded. On the other side, the Mamluks lost between 1,500 and 2,000 men, 20 cannons, 400 camels, and all the baggage from Mourad’s camp. Mourad himself, wounded, fled to Upper Egypt, while Ibrahim Bey hastened towards Syria. Bonaparte declared that he had crushed the bulk of the Mamluk forces, though this needs to be tempered by the fact that, as was their custom, the Mamluks fled once they realized victory was impossible.

Nevertheless, the general-in-chief could now return to Cairo, deserted by its elites, and proclaim Egypt liberated. Indeed, he had just conquered all of Lower Egypt and regained the confidence of his army. Enriched by the spoils and finally camping on the fertile banks of the Nile, the French reveled in their victory over an exotic enemy of incomparable bravery. A clash of cultures, infantry maneuvers had prevailed over the most violent charges. Disconcerted, the Egyptians remained convinced that the French soldiers must have been tied together in their squares to maintain such formation.

The Cairenes, who had fled and been looted by Bedouins, gradually began to return to the Egyptian capital, somewhat reassured by the behavior of the victor.

Although the battle took place at Embabeh, Bonaparte rightly believed it would have a greater impact on public opinion, and enhance his personal glory, by associating it with the pyramids, symbols of Pharaonic Egypt.

Vivandières, cantinières, washerwoman, prostitutes… Women were fully part of the Grande Armée. Incorporated into units or offering their services to passing troops, these women improved the well-being of soldiers who were far away from their families. Some of them even became prominent figures in the Napoleonic epic, known for their heroism, courage, and, in certain cases, for their unique careers as soldiers!

Cantinières: Vivandières, and Laundresses

The cantinier was a man, usually a non-commissioned officer, but it was generally accepted that he could have a woman with him to help in the kitchen (one per battalion). These women had the sole mission of preparing meals, although, in practice, they sometimes competed with the vivandières.

Two types of women were officially allowed to follow the Imperial army: laundresses and vivandières. Their numbers were strictly regulated, with a maximum of four per battalion and two per squadron, army headquarters, or division. Laundresses took care of the soldiers’ laundry, and under the 1809 regulations, they were permitted to have a packhorse to carry their supplies. These were typically soldiers’ wives, and as non-combatant military personnel, they were entitled to a security card (which confirmed their role), lodging, and bread.

Vivandières, on the other hand, sold food, drink, and sometimes small items to the soldiers. They were allowed to have a cart pulled by two horses. Comparable to a modern army’s canteen service, they essentially ran a mobile shop. Their numbers were limited in the same way as the laundresses. They did not receive any salary but were still officially part of the military personnel: they needed a security card issued by military authorities, had the right to use military hospitals during wartime, and had to be present for roll calls conducted by column commanders.

Discipline was strict. Laundresses and vivandières who missed a roll call faced fines for the first offense, imprisonment for the second, and confiscation of their horses and cart for the third. Worse, if one was accused of looting or facilitating looting (vivandières were sometimes involved in hiding stolen goods to sell for themselves), her cart would be burned along with all her belongings, and the woman, dressed in black, would be paraded through the camp and expelled.

But that was not the most humiliating punishment. During the Spanish campaign, the penalty for a woman following the army without authorization was severe: she would be stripped, shaved all over, covered in shoe polish, forced to march in front of the troops, and sent to the rear.

Nevertheless, vivandières were among the iconic figures of the Grande Armée. During marches, they were relatively protected, with their carts placed at the rear of the convoy between the column and the rear guard. The vivandière became a symbol in the historiography of the Imperial army, improving the soldiers’ daily lives with her goods and small cask of brandy, and sometimes coming to the aid of the wounded on the battlefield. The vivandière is one of the few female figures in a predominantly male institution. In the 19th-century romantic imagination, she also came to represent a kind of substitute mother for younger conscripts.

Among the best-known vivandières was one nicknamed Marie Tête-de-Bois. Marie married a grenadier in 1805, who was killed in Paris in 1814. That same year, their son was killed at the Battle of Montmirail, and Marie herself was wounded while retrieving his body. Having served in seventeen campaigns, Marie Tête-de-Bois was with the Guard during the Hundred Days in 1815. It was in this final campaign of the Empire that she met her death, struck by a bullet that pierced her cask. As she crawled among the dead, a second bullet is said to have hit her face. A dying grenadier reportedly joked that she wasn’t very pretty like that, to which she supposedly replied that she could still boast of having been a daughter, wife, mother, and widow of soldiers.

Catherine Balland, from the 95th Line Infantry Regiment, was honored by the painter Lejeune, who depicted her in his painting of the Battle of Chiclana. She was awarded the Legion of Honour in 1813.

Prostitutes and Campaign Loves

The Grande Armée never had an official or semi-official brothel, as was later the case in the French army. Nevertheless, prostitutes (often referred to as “grisettes”) closely followed the troops to offer their services. They inevitably became the main vectors of venereal diseases, which greatly occupied military doctors. Some prostitutes even approached soldiers directly, as evidenced by General Friant’s order on September 18, 1811, instructing to “arrest the runners who sneak into the camps.”

The Grognards also took advantage of the services of local prostitutes in the cities they passed through, both in France and abroad. These women were either professionals or poor souls driven to prostitution by the misery caused by war. In 1806, Berlin women prostituted themselves for a bit of bread, and in 1812, well-off Moscow women, starving, were forced into prostitution, even offering their daughters to the French soldiers.

In addition to professional sex workers, the soldiers of the Grande Armée also engaged in relationships with local women during their campaigns, though these relationships were often fleeting. Upon the imperial army’s departure from Berlin in 1806, it was estimated that 2,000 women were pregnant.

However, some of these campaign relationships did lead to marriages. Starting in 1808, soldiers had to obtain permission from the administrative council of their regiment to marry their chosen partner (officers had to seek authorization from the Minister of War). Despite this new status, it did not change their military situation. In 1810, a decree even provided financial support for soldiers marrying a “respectable girl.

Women Soldiers

Officially, Napoleon’s Grande Armée was not supposed to have women soldiers. Even during the Revolution, the profession of arms was denied to women, as military service was ideologically linked to citizenship (and, by extension, the right to vote). However, there were a few exceptions that proved the rule, such as Marie-Thérèse Figueur (1774 – 1861).

• Napoleon Bonaparte: One of the Greatest Leaders in History

Orphaned and placed with a cloth merchant in Avignon, she pleaded with her uncle in 1792 to let her wear a uniform.

With this cavalry regiment, she participated in several campaigns: the Eastern Pyrenees, Germany, the Army of the Rhine, the Swiss campaign, and the Italian campaign.

On November 4, 1799, her horse was killed beneath her, she was wounded, and she was captured at the Battle of Savigliano (Piedmont). She was brought before Prince de Ligne, who allowed her to join his army.

Under the Consulate, in 1800, she was forced into retirement but managed to reintegrate the 9th Dragoons, with whom she participated in the 1805 campaign, including the battles of Ulm and Austerlitz. In 1806, she fought in the Battle of Jena but fell ill and was repatriated to France. Once recovered, she joined the Young Guard and went to fight in Spain, where she was again taken prisoner at Burgos.

• Battle of Austerlitz: The Battle Where Napoleon’s Tactical Genius Was Revealed

Figueur was then transferred to a women’s prison and later to Southampton, where she remained until the end of the Empire. Upon her return to France during the Restoration, Marie-Thérèse opened a guesthouse for officers and married an old comrade, the sergeant Sutter, late in life.

Although rare, we know of other examples of women soldiers, such as Marie Angélique Duchemin, who distinguished herself during the Revolutionary campaigns and for whom Marshal Sérurier tried to obtain the Legion of Honour during the Empire. Other European armies also had such examples, as in the Prussian army. It was only when mortally wounded at Dannenberg (1813) that soldier Renz confessed to being a woman—it was Eleonore Prochaska, who had enlisted during the Prussian War of Liberation as a drummer and later as a line soldier, successfully concealing her true identity.

4,300 to 7,000 wounded in the ranks of the Grande Armée by the evening of Eylau, more than 21,000 wounded by the evening of the Moscow! The dark side of these Napoleonic victories are the mass graves, the field ambulances where amputations are performed in assembly-line fashion, and the makeshift hospitals where the wounded are crowded together. Here, the soldier faces new enemies: gas gangrene, tetanus, dysentery, fevers… To save those who can still be helped, the medical service established an entire support network from the battlefield to rear facilities.

Napoleon: Medicine, and Surgery

Napoleon Bonaparte was always very skeptical of medicine, ambivalent about its true benefits, and often mocking of those who practiced it. He enjoyed teasing Corvisart and mocking remedies that did more harm to the patient than the illness itself. He still maintained at Saint Helena:

Our body is a machine for living, it is organized for that, it’s its nature; let life run its course, let it defend itself, it will do more than if you paralyze it by burdening it with remedies. Our body is like a perfect watch, which is meant to run for a certain time; the watchmaker does not have the ability to open it, he can only handle it blindly and clumsily. For every one who, by tormenting it with odd instruments, manages to do good, how many ignorant ones destroy it…

Dr. Godlewski acknowledged that Napoleon’s distrust of the medicine of his time was not entirely unfounded. While the early 19th century was the age of great surgeons, it was not yet the age of great physicians, which would only come with the discoveries of Pasteur, radiology, and bacteriology. Indeed, while he despised medicine, Napoleon held surgery in high esteem, particularly the army medical corps surgeons who risked their lives to save others. Napoleon himself was even personally drawn to the field and reportedly attended anatomy courses three times from April to July 1792, before his military career took off.

Treating the Army in Garrison

Each regiment had a few surgeons to care for soldiers in garrison. The most common cases were “fevers,” a generic term that covered various diseases such as influenza, meningitis, and dysentery, often caused by poor water quality and food. If necessary, the patient was sent to a military hospital, or even a civilian hospital in certain special units like the Departmental Reserve Companies. Other treatments were conducted directly at the barracks, particularly for cases of scabies or venereal diseases.

Field Ambulances

The massive use of artillery is the cause of the worst injuries found in 19th-century armies. Surgeon-Major de La Flize reports in his memoirs some colder and darker realities than the epic paintings of the same period might suggest:

I remember some [of the horrific wounds] that particularly struck me. An artilleryman had three-quarters of his face torn off by a cannonball; he had only one eye left but had not lost consciousness and communicated by signs; he was horrible to look at. Another artilleryman had both thighs and one hand blown off and the other arm broken near the shoulder; he could still speak and asked me for brandy; I gave him a drink, and he expired immediately after. […] A young artillery non-commissioned officer, who was on guard near the guns, had his hands resting on the pommel of his saddle when a cannonball crushed both of them. He cried like a child and called for his mother.

To save those who can be saved, and ensure the morale of all, the Grande Armée quickly equipped itself with an important health service structured by a network of ambulances. In the Grande Armée, an ambulance refers to all centers of varying importance responsible for providing care to those in need, whether at the regimental or army corps level. There are five distinct types of ambulances:

• The regimental ambulance, closest to the fighting, where first aid is provided to the wounded, but also all operations requiring urgent intervention: from amputation to trepanation… The infantry division ambulance with its two wagons takes charge of the wounded at the division level, theoretically composed of six surgeons, four pharmacists, and four employees.
• The army corps ambulance is a mounted ambulance, called a light ambulance, which can deploy and redeploy as needed. It can form an ambulance depot just behind the front line to quickly evacuate the wounded during battle. It can also form ambulance divisions to reinforce division ambulances or form ambulance sections responsible for supporting small detached units or deployed at outposts. In the case of ambulance sections, the unit carries provisions in addition to its traditional equipment of dressings and medical instruments.
• The ambulance reserve, directly attached to the general headquarters, is a strategic reserve composed of about fifty surgeons (under the command of a chief surgeon) on horseback or in carriages to reinforce as quickly as possible any other ambulance that might need it.
• Finally, the Emperor’s ambulance is responsible for the sovereign’s health. Napoleon always has a surgeon, a doctor, a pharmacist, and a few nurses ready to intervene in case the Emperor is wounded. They have a wagon with all the necessary equipment. Although often exposed, Napoleon was very lucky on the battlefield. He was nevertheless wounded on April 23, 1809, during the Battle of Ratisbon in Austria. A bullet fired from the city walls wounded him in the right heel, grazing the Achilles tendon. It was surgeon Yvan who cut the Emperor’s boot and dressed the wound before he remounted his horse to keep up appearances for the enemy.

Being Wounded on the Battlefield

Even though in practice it sometimes happened, soldiers were generally forbidden during battle from going to assist the wounded. Doing so risked weakening the ranks to the enemy’s advantage. While some wounded soldiers managed to reach the ambulance on their own, others were cared for on-site by the medical service. To facilitate this, Larrey set up “flying ambulances (ambulance volante),” two- or four-wheeled carts mounted on springs (to cushion the shocks somewhat), capable of carrying two to four wounded soldiers lying on mobile beds. These flying ambulances allowed for the rapid evacuation of the wounded after they had received first aid from surgeons following the ambulance on horseback.

However, for cost reasons, this system did not last during the Empire, except within the Imperial Guard, where Larrey operated. Along similar lines, Pierre-François Percy introduced the Wurst, long sausage-shaped carts (hence the name, which means “sausage” in German) that surgeons would straddle like a horse to quickly reach those in need. They were used during the Swiss, Danube, and German campaigns. But more commonly, toward the end, the Grande Armée employed stretcher-bearers equipped with pikes that could be transformed into stretchers. Da La Flize recounts:

The stretcher-bearers were then ordered to construct stretchers. These men, two by two, unrolled the straps from their packs, unscrewed the iron head of their pikes, inserted the pole into a slip knot formed with the straps, and fixed their canvas belts in place. The stretcher-bearers then headed towards the battlefield.

The wounded who were not evacuated during the battle usually spent the night without help and had to wait until the next day for the evacuations to resume. Further back, the first-aid posts were improvised, either in pre-existing buildings or under tents on some straw gathered from nearby. The situation was even more critical in winter, as during the Battle of Eylau, since these makeshift shelters offered little protection from the cold. It was at these first-aid posts where the diagnosis was made, and the wounded soldier came into the hands of the surgeons. A former officer of the Grande Armée, Elzéar Blaze, provides a nuanced account of the surgeons, acknowledging their bravery but also the lack of experience among newcomers who learned “on the job”:

The major surgeons were generally good practitioners. Amputating an arm or a leg was as easy for them as drinking a glass of water; I even knew some for whom the latter operation would have made them grimace. These gentlemen had great zeal, and were often seen on the battlefield assisting the wounded, risking their own lives. Many combined science with practice; for others, practice alone sufficed; but by constantly treating all kinds of wounds, with the same cases repeating every day, they knew as much as they needed to know.

But new young men constantly arrived from France, who, through connections or to avoid going into battle with a pack on their back, had somehow gotten a surgeon’s assistant certificate after three months at medical school. They then underwent a practical course in the army at the expense of the first unfortunates who fell into their hands, having escaped the cannon; the scalpel awaited them… and… well… It was, in truth, far worse than Scylla and Charybdis.

The chief surgeon of La Flize recounts in his memoirs the horror of mutilations and operations during the Battle of Borodino in 1812:

On that day of grim memory, how many cruel operations we performed! One cannot imagine the impression a wounded soldier has when the surgeon is forced to tell him that he is doomed unless one or two limbs are amputated. The unfortunate soul is reduced to submitting to his fate and preparing for horrific suffering. It is impossible to express the groans, the teeth grinding, torn from the wounded when a limb is shattered by a cannonball; the painful cries they let out when the surgeon exposes the limb, cuts through the muscles, severs the nerves, saws the bones, and slices the arteries, with blood splattering everywhere. We could say that we were literally drenched in blood, although we were not responsible for its flow, but were instead striving to stop it.

In the French army, amputations were frequent. During the Battle of Borodino, the surgeon Larrey stood for 36 consecutive hours and performed 200 amputations himself! For this experienced surgeon, it took only 4 to 5 minutes to amputate a shoulder. In the absence of anesthetics, the speed of the operation was crucial to minimizing the sufferings of the wounded.

Often, the patient was given just a little alcohol to drink. Sometimes, he clenched his clay pipe to endure the pain: if the wounded died during the operation, his jaw would sometimes loosen, causing the pipe to fall to the ground and break — the origin of the expression ‘to break one’s pipe’ (a French idiom meaning ‘to die’). These rapid and repeated amputations may seem cruel, but they often saved the wounded who would otherwise have died from gangrene.

This extensive resort to amputation was also justified by the very particular context of wartime surgery: if the wounded soldier survived, he would be transported along rough roads and cared for by inexperienced personnel who would be unable to properly manage a serious wound requiring regular dressing — the stump offered a better chance of survival. Aside from a few wealthy exceptions, like generals who could afford luxury prosthetics, most amputated soldiers spent the rest of their lives with a wooden leg (sometimes jointed at the knee), or a simple crutch. Some, unable to afford or bear such prosthetics, were left with crutches or canes.

The soldier’s recovery was not the end of his misfortunes. On the battlefield of Borodino, La Flize reports that there was a lack of food for the wounded. However, the Guard was better fed. As the army resumed its march, the wounded were left in field hospitals, sometimes tens of kilometers from the battlefield, and not all survived the journey. Percy, recounting the arrival of a convoy of wounded during the Peninsular War, wrote:

It had been five days since most of them had left the cart that had served both as their transport and their bed; their straw was rotting; some had a mattress under them, soiled with the pus from their wounds and their excrement. […] The stench was unbearable. The wounds had not been dressed in several days, or had been done so poorly; many were already gangrenous…

Upon their arrival, they were greeted under conditions that varied greatly depending on the location and time. In 1809, a corps of hospital nurses was even created, deployed in Austria, Spain, and Italy. These nurses were unarmed, not even carrying a small sword, with Napoleon hoping this would ensure their neutrality on the battlefield—an initiative later adopted by the Red Cross. This neutrality was reinforced by the fact that French doctors treated all wounded, regardless of nationality. However, no written agreement on the inviolability of military hospitals was reached during the Napoleonic wars, despite an attempt that Austria rejected in 1800.

Regardless, these hospitals are remembered grimly: the wounded often lacked food, heating, especially during the Russian campaign, and typhus outbreaks occurred frequently (such as in Mainz in 1813). There were also personnel shortages (if there were no local staff, particularly nuns, prisoners were requisitioned without hesitation), as well as shortages of medicine and bandages. At the Mojaïsk hospital in 1812, the wounded were bandaged with straw due to the lack of cloth or bandages.

However, these dark descriptions should be tempered by acknowledging that there were well-run field hospitals under the Empire, such as in Burgos in 1810, which had a bathroom, fans for the summer, and stoves for the winter. Despite the difficult conditions and frequent improvisation, it is notable that only 10% of the wounded who reached the hospital died. To understand this figure, it must be considered that hospitals treated not only the war wounded but also the sick in general.

In the end, our view of the healthcare services during campaigns under the First Empire must be nuanced. It was run by dedicated, qualified, and dynamic men who constantly had to make do with limited material and human resources. Napoleon, who always favored short campaigns carried out by fast-moving armies, ultimately invested little in modernizing the healthcare service, which did not allow for maintaining a sufficient and experienced staff. Young surgeons gained experience, and nurses were often neophytes, more or less voluntary depending on the circumstances. Observing the shortage of nurses at Eylau on February 9, 1807, Napoleon exclaimed in frustration: “What an organization! What barbarity!” Surgeon Lombard then dared to explain the lack of enthusiasm for joining the healthcare service:

Sire, when one is sure that in peacetime, no matter how well one performed during the most difficult and perilous war, they will be dismissed, it is hard to be zealous and decide to follow an army as an employee or nurse; this very title upon returning to France will be a terrible recommendation.

One can indeed speak of a lack of recognition for the healthcare service, which, straddling the civilian and military spheres, remained overshadowed by the latter. Napoleon distributed the Legion of Honor to them sparingly (ten surgeons were decorated after Eylau, two of whom died of exhaustion a few days later…) and forbade surgeons from wearing epaulets, which he believed should be reserved for true soldiers (although the surgeons of the Guard granted themselves this right…). Nonetheless, it was these few years of war that allowed surgery to develop at an unprecedented speed.

From 1792 to 1815, France experienced over twenty years of nearly unbroken warfare. The Empire, in this regard, merely continued the French Revolution, though it diverged in other respects. In this context, the daily life of Napoleon’s soldier took on particular importance and significance. More than a million soldiers had to be recruited, clothed, fed, and armed.

How did the Emperor overcome the challenges he faced? What were the reactions of the population and the army? How can we explain that in 1815, despite the sacrifices and hardships endured, so many men once again rallied to the imperial regime? These are some of the questions we will attempt to answer.

Napoleon’s Soldier

From the moment he came to power, Napoleon Bonaparte had considered drawing from the reserves found in orphanages, but the mortality rate there was so high that he had to abandon the idea. The imperial soldier was therefore recruited through conscription; legislation since 1796 mandated that every Frenchman aged 20 to 25 was required to perform military service.

During the relatively peaceful period of the Consulate, the First Consul endeared himself to the wealthier classes by allowing substitution: those called up could avoid their military obligations by purchasing a substitute, provided the replacement did not come from the reserves. This unequal arrangement primarily filled the ranks with men from the lower classes, creating a divide in the burden of service.

The long period of war that began after the break in the Treaty of Amiens created recruitment difficulties, which led Napoleon to bypass the laws. He began calling up classes early and incorporating young men from previous classes who had been exempt from military obligations. An article was introduced into the imperial catechism threatening Christians who refused to serve with damnation. Schoolchildren were placed under military supervision and given uniforms to instill discipline and a military spirit in them.

The conditions for exemptions were tightened so that individuals previously deemed unfit were enlisted, with the weakest assigned to the role of nurses. After the disastrous Russian campaign, the creation of the Guards of Honor forced young men from wealthy classes to serve the Emperor, tying their fate to that of the regime. By 1813, many recruits were barely out of childhood, and they were referred to as “Marie-Louises” in reference to the Empress.

• French Invasion of Russia, 1812: Napoleon’s Russian Campaign

During the Empire’s early campaigns, the issue of military training did not arise, as the army largely consisted of soldiers who had been fighting for over a decade. However, as time passed and battles thinned the ranks of veterans, the training of recruits became increasingly problematic, leading to frequent accidents.

During the German campaign in 1813, for example, Napoleon suspected that many soldiers who had injured their hands while loading their rifles had done so intentionally to avoid service. He considered decimating them but was persuaded otherwise by Larrey, the famous surgeon, who demonstrated that the injuries were accidental and caused solely by the conscripts’ incompetence. The Emperor was grateful for his candor, which had spared innocent men from being condemned to death.

A Recruitment Increasingly Problematic

Over time, the high proportion of inexperienced soldiers forced the Emperor to adapt his tactics. To reinforce the sense of security and cohesion among the troops, who had become less maneuverable, he increasingly resorted to using massive formations. These compact masses had the advantage of acting like battering rams to break through the enemy’s front lines, but at the same time, they offered the enemy perfect targets, with each cannonball from their artillery wiping out entire rows. This is why the battles of Eylau, Wagram, and the Moskow were much deadlier than that of Austerlitz, without achieving equally decisive results.

• Battle of Wagram: Napoleon’s Masterstroke

From the beginning of the Empire until its fall, no victory was ever capable of leading to peace, as England remained out of reach. Victories never resulted in more than fragile truces. However, the enormous consumption of men that these perpetual conflicts demanded wore down the country. Draft evaders were increasingly numerous. Some young men even went as far as having all their teeth pulled out, making themselves ill, or faking deformities to escape conscription. Prefects received strict orders; the parents of deserters were heavily fined.

These measures had no effect. By 1813, Napoleon himself estimated the number of draft dodgers at 100,000, and this number was likely much higher. The population was turning away from the regime at a time when it was crucial to rekindle the revolutionary fervor of the soldiers of the Year II. The enormous death tolls partly explained this shift: over 450,000 dead in Spain, at least 80% of them French, more than 300,000 in Russia, around 200,000 of whom were French, to mention only those losses. Another cause of the public’s disaffection was the dispute with the Pope, which disoriented a largely Catholic population, and the invasion of Spain, with which regions of France, particularly Auvergne, had close ties due to traditional economic migration.

1.6 Million Draftees Under Napoleon

During his reign, Napoleon called more than 1.6 million Frenchmen to the colors. Clothing, feeding, shoeing, and arming so many men was no small feat. General Bonaparte believed that war should sustain war, with troops supplying themselves from the field. However, this principle could not be applied in all parts of Europe.

The Emperor knew this and was not disinterested in supply issues; quite the opposite. Orders for setting up mills to grind grain, building ovens to bake bread—documents that have come down to us—attest to how carefully he addressed the vital problem of provisioning the Grande Armée (The Great Army). During the invasion of Russia, the army was accompanied by herds of livestock and numerous supply wagons, but unfortunately, they couldn’t keep up!

Logistics failed to obey the master’s will. Suppliers often lacked honesty: the soles of shoes were sometimes little better than cardboard, and those wearing these carnival shoes soon found themselves walking on the balls of their feet! Pay was irregularly distributed, especially in regions like Spain and Portugal, where guerrilla warfare disrupted communications.

Shortages often forced soldiers to resort to looting. In regions they passed through, even those considered friendly, like Poland, residents hid their provisions for fear of being stripped of their last resources. During the 1807 campaign, soldiers demanded bread in Polish from Napoleon (“tata, chleba”), and he responded in the same language that he had none (“chleba, nie ma”).

In Portugal, in 1811, famine forced Masséna to retreat back to Spain in a hurry, with an army severely reduced by malnutrition and desertion. In Spain, soldiers resorted to eating acorns and vetch while Marmont feasted openly from silverware in front of his starving troops! Looting obviously weakened discipline and exposed those engaging in it to guerrilla attacks. During the march through Poland and then Russia in 1812, soldiers were reduced to eating tough, salted meat that had been preserved for several years, nearly spoiled, and drinking from puddles contaminated with horse urine. Requisitions were insufficient, and the army became disorganized, with disorder leading to waste.

Logistics Struggling to Keep Up

Davout was the only marshal who, by maintaining strict discipline within his corps, managed to supply his troops more or less adequately. Additionally, the privileges enjoyed by the Imperial Guard deprived other units of food and equipment that would have been theirs if the distribution had been fair. The Grande Armée dwindled as it advanced, so that by the eve of the Battle of Borodino, it numbered only 120,000 to 130,000 soldiers, out of the more than 500,000 who had crossed the Niemen. It is true that part of its forces had been left behind to guard the flanks and rear, but the loss was still considerable.

The Napoleonic soldier spent readily without thinking about tomorrow. When he reached a cellar, instead of drawing wine from taps, he would shoot holes in the barrels to sample all the wine. What did it matter what remained for those who followed, as long as he could drink the best! On the eve of a battle, he discarded anything that might hinder him during the fight, so that the morning before an engagement, the bivouac ground was strewn with random objects, as if a tornado had passed through. It was easy to re-equip oneself with the belongings of the dead after victory!

An Army of Marchers

During the Italian campaign, it was said that Bonaparte won battles with the legs of his soldiers. Speed continued to play a decisive role in imperial strategy. The goal was to arrive quickly where one was not expected and to gather maximum forces to overwhelm a disoriented enemy. The Battle of Marengo was won through Desaix’s unexpected arrival on the battlefield just when the Austrians thought the day was theirs.

Conversely, the Battle of Waterloo was lost because Grouchy failed to arrive on time. The infantry covered long distances, usually around forty kilometers a day, but sometimes as much as sixty to seventy kilometers, burdened like mules with a heavy rifle and an array of gear (haversack, blanket, cartridge box, ammunition, food, spare shirts, and shoes…).

The march was so grueling that the bones of the weakest soldiers’ feet would break. To move faster without tiring the infantry, carts were sometimes requisitioned from peasants, but this was rarely possible outside of France. In warring countries, peasants would flee with their animals into the forests at the approach of troops. The abandoned houses, left to an unruly soldiery, were then looted and sacked. Conditions were sometimes so dreadful that soldiers murmured in discontent, leading to the nickname “grognards” (grumblers) during the Polish campaign of 1807.

In Spain, during the pursuit of the English army in 1808 through the Sierra de Guadarrama, these grognards, frozen and exhausted, encouraged each other to shoot Napoleon. The Emperor heard the grumbling, but remained impassive; at the next stop, a kind word and improved rations were enough for the cry of “Vive L’Empereur (Long live the Emperor)” to rise once again, as powerful and sincere as ever. Veterans of the Republic’s wars, who had seen much worse, sometimes found their situation so unbearable that they committed suicide, as was notably the case in Spain, in the mud of Valderas.

To be more mobile, the imperial army did not use tents. At bivouacs, soldiers slept on the ground under the stars, or on straw when they found some in a barn. If needed, they protected themselves by building makeshift huts from branches. When their stay was prolonged, the ingenuity of French soldiers took over, and temporary barracks sprang up, lined up as neatly as the houses in a village. The English admired these constructions in 1814 during the fighting in the Pyrenees.

In towns, lodging billets were distributed; the designated host was required to provide food and shelter. The good-natured Germans were the most appreciated of these unwilling hosts (and it was said, Germans, not Prussians). The soldiers’ meals were improved by the presence of “cantinières” and “vivandières” who provided brandy; their presence comforted the warriors if not rested them.

Unenviable Fate of the Wounded and Dead

After battle, the dead were not buried. The wounded were treated only with significant delay, and some were even forgotten where they had fallen. During the retreat from Russia, survivors were found still alive a month and a half later on the battlefield of Borodino! One of them had sought refuge inside the belly of a dead horse; half-mad, he shouted violently at the Emperor. Amputations were frequent, often the only way to save a wounded man’s life. These operations were performed without anesthesia, with the patient given a glass of brandy, if available, and a pipe to smoke. The phrase “to break one’s pipe” originated from these times, referring to the pipe-breaking when a surgery went wrong.

Hospitals were vast death-traps where the sick and wounded were thrown together, often on the ground. Such close quarters facilitated epidemics, and corrupt hospital administrators sometimes deprived the unfortunate patients of food and fuel to sell them for profit. During the winter of 1813-1814, more soldiers of the Grande Armée died from disease than in the battles of 1813. This was not a new phenomenon; the same had happened in Spain!

The fate of those who fell into enemy hands was even worse. In the Iberian Peninsula and Russia, they faced the risk of being executed after enduring horrific torture. In Russia, fanatical peasants would beat them to death with sticks. In Spain, they were tortured to death in grotesque ways: made into sandwiches, roasted like chickens, boiled like lobsters, fried like fish, or smoked like hams. They were poisoned, sawed between planks, castrated, buried alive up to their heads with their hands cut off so they could not free themselves.

Prisoners of the English were crammed into half-rotted ships, the infamous floating prisons known as “hulks,” or were deported to the deserted island of Cabrera in the Balearics, where many died of thirst and hunger. It would take an entire book to describe what these unfortunate souls endured, in conditions that foreshadowed the concentration camps of World War II.

The Emperor and His Soldiers

In the French army of this era, corporal punishment, still common in other European armies, was forbidden. It was considered degrading. For the most serious offenses, only one punishment was deemed worthy of a soldier: execution by firing squad. This was the punishment demanded by French prisoners in England who had been flogged. Marbot, sent as an emissary to the enemy camp, saved a French prisoner from a beating at the hands of the Prussians during the 1806 campaign.

Napoleon demanded such heavy sacrifices from his soldiers that one wonders how they not only endured it but also developed a genuine devotion to him. The answer lies in a few simple words, expressed by one of them: the Emperor brought dignity to these men, most of whom came from the lower classes. While he did not tolerate familiarity from his marshals—except in rare cases, due to court etiquette, with Lannes being almost the only one to address him informally—he tolerated and even encouraged it from his rank-and-file soldiers, whom they called “the little corporal.”

Gifted with an extraordinary memory, he remembered their names and reminded them of the places where they had fought under his command. He affectionately tugged their ears and even once stood guard at the Tuileries Palace in place of a sentry he had sent for a drink to warm up. He laughed at their witty remarks. Shortly before the Battle of Austerlitz, a sentry responded with humor when Napoleon, annoyed by an arrogant Russian envoy, shouted, “Wouldn’t you think these fellows want to devour us!” The sentry retorted, “Oh, but we’ll stick in their throats!” This remark brightened the Emperor’s mood.

The soldiers did not hesitate to analyze and criticize what they believed to be their general’s strategy, even at the risk of reprimands when they overstepped. This happened at Jena, when a young soldier impatiently shouted “Forward” at Napoleon’s passing. The Emperor replied that he should wait until he had fought in a hundred battles and won twenty before offering advice.

The Emperor placed such great trust in his men that, on the eve of the Battle of Austerlitz, he revealed his plan to them—an event unique in the annals of war. After a battle, he sometimes asked the infantry of distinguished units to nominate the bravest among them for a reward, and he once pinned his own Legion of Honor on the jacket of a worthy soldier. In short, Napoleon understood the psychology of his soldiers and mastered the art of inspiring their enthusiasm.

The Hundred Days constitute the final episode of the First Empire, from Napoleon I’s entry into Paris on March 20, 1815, to his second abdication on June 22, 1815. After escaping from the island of Elba and landing at Golfe-Juan on March 1, Napoleon Bonaparte crossed the Alps via a route now known as the “Route Napoléon.” The eagle’s last flight continued until he entered into the capital, garnering increasing enthusiasm from the population along the way.

He reclaimed power, left vacant by the fleeing Louis XVIII, for a hundred days. The defeat at Waterloo (Battle of Waterloo) forced him to abdicate for the second time on June 22. He was then exiled to Saint Helena.

The 100 Days

Napoleon was certainly bored with the ‘little kingdom’ granted to him by the Treaty of Fontainebleau during his first abdication. Despite his efforts to enhance the Island of Elba and increase its resources, he felt confined in this tiny state. Accustomed to traversing Europe and dictating its laws, he found himself constrained. The political situation in France presented an opportunity for his return.

Napoleon’s boredom was compounded by the sorrow of losing all hope of seeing his son and wife, Marie Louise, whose infidelity he knew. This sorrow was only slightly mitigated by the presence of his mother and sister and the brief visit of Marie Walewska with her son. However, Napoleon likely would not have left his derisory kingdom, already resembling a prison under the constant surveillance of British Commissioner Campbell, if other, more compelling reasons had not urged him. These reasons were linked to both the internal French situation and the international scenario.

In France, the benefits of peace after over twenty years of war did not erase the original stain of the Restoration, which was brought back with foreign intervention. The former soldiers (grognards), many of whom had been discharged and reduced to half-pay, akin to near destitution, were naturally not in favor of a regime change while their former adversaries enjoyed positions of power. Young officers, facing seemingly blocked career paths, were impatient.

The empire’s nobility, overtly scorned by the Old Regime’s nobility, remained silent but missed the splendors of the defunct regime. Most significantly, the returning émigrés, having learned nothing from their long exile, fueled fears among buyers of national properties who anticipated being stripped of what they deemed legitimately acquired.

In brief, a profound discontent was rising within the population, endowing the former Emperor with a new nickname, “father of the violet,” symbolizing the hopes of his supporters. This flower heralded the return of spring. Napoleon closely monitored the French sentiment, receiving numerous emissaries from France and the Kingdom of Naples, where his brother-in-law Joachim Murat and sister Caroline still reigned.

Fleury de Chaboulon was one such emissary, but he was not alone. The information he conveyed to Napoleon was not as decisive as he claimed. Cipriani, Napoleon’s butler during the Hundred Days, made frequent trips to the continent, and other visitors came to the island, including a Grenoble merchant, the glover Dumoulin, who would later facilitate the Emperor’s return to France through the Alps.

The international situation prompted Napoleon to dream of escape. Russia, seeking a warm-water outlet, threatened British maritime supremacy; these two powers were already in conflict in Asia and the Middle East. The Russians’ claim to the protectorate of Slavic peoples clashed with Austrian interests in the Balkans.

Prussia was willing to cede its part of Poland to Russia in exchange for the disappearance of the Kingdom of Saxony, an ally of Napoleon until Leipzig. However, Austria, whose dominance over fragmented Germany would be compromised, opposed this arrangement.

• Battle of Leipzig (1813): Key Facts, Participants, and Historical Significance

France, slowly reintegrating into diplomatic affairs, aimed to restore the Bourbon rulers to Naples, displacing Joachim Murat. Yet, the English and Austrians were not inclined to betray their last-hour ally. Ultimately, two opposing groups emerged at the Congress of Vienna, with Russia and Prussia on one side and England and Austria, supported by France, on the other.

Europe stood on the brink of war once again. Napoleon was aware of this, receiving numerous messages from Vienna, notably from Claude-François de Méneval, attached to Marie-Louise; he could hope to play the role of mediator.

Getting Out of a Precarious Position

In any case, he had no choice. His financial situation was even more precarious as Louis XVIII’s government refused to honor the two million annuities granted by the Treaty of Fontainebleau. Additionally, the royal government funded henchmen to spy on the Emperor, even to the extent of attempting assassination.

The plot, orchestrated by Chevalier de Bruslart, a former Norman Chouan with connections to the Barbary pirates, failed, but the danger persisted.

Concerning England, uneasy about Napoleon’s proximity to the French coast, they demanded his deportation. Suggestions included Malta, deemed too close, the West Indies, the Azores, Australia, and finally, Saint Helena. Napoleon believed he could resist an abduction attempt for a while, but he knew that, with his limited resources, such resistance would only be a last stand.

He had likely been contemplating his return to France for a while. However, his escape was not premeditated; it was hastily organized. Key figures were only informed at the last moment, including the Emperor’s close associates and even family members.

Taking advantage of the absence of the Englishman Campbell, occupied in Libourne, they hurriedly prepared and executed the embarkation on the brig Inconstant. On February 26, 1815, a Sunday, after advancing the time for the mass, Napoleon bid a final farewell to the island, entrusting his mother and sister to the Elbois. The Imperial Guard only learned of the destination once at sea.

Some observers suspected the British of deliberately facilitating the Emperor’s departure to provide a pretext for his deportation. While this hypothesis has never been confirmed, certain events lean towards supporting it, such as the swift journey across France by an Englishman who proclaimed to the public that Napoleon had escaped, even before anyone else knew.

Napoleon Landed in Golfe Juan

The destiny favored the Emperor once again, who managed, with his small fleet, to elude the surveillance of the French cruise operating in the Mediterranean as well as the English corvette sailing nearby.

On March 1, 1815, the landing, initially planned in Saint-Raphaël, where Napoleon had departed a year earlier, took place in the vicinity of Vallauris, in front of bewildered customs officers, between two and five o’clock in the afternoon. The first bivouac was set up on the shore of Golfe-Juan, in a region that Bonaparte, a young officer, had traversed in 1794.

An attempt on Antibes, led by Captain Lamouret, who first set foot on the shore with 30 elite men, failed; 22 of the eight hundred soldiers from the island of Elba were captured by Colonel Cunéo d’Ornano, who commanded the place. This minor incident dissuaded Napoleon from taking the Rhône Valley route; he knew that the population of Provence was hostile, as evidenced by his passage in 1814, during which he had only escaped by disguising himself.

Therefore, he decided to march towards the Alps, following the indications provided by Dumoulin. He believed he could receive a warm welcome from a peasantry worried about the gains of the revolution. This change in route forced the Emperor to abandon two small artillery pieces that would have been difficult to drag through the mountains.

As Napoleon touched French soil again, another event unfolded at the other end of the country. General Charles Lefebvre-Desnouettes, leading the royal hunters, attempted to seize La Fère and its arsenal, while General Exelmans tried to incite rebellion among the troops of Guise and Chauny.

The Lallemand brothers participated in the enterprise that General Augustin Gabriel d’Aboville thwarted. The royalists saw the coincidence of these two events as an indication of a vast conspiracy.

However, the military uprising probably had no direct connection to the landing at Golfe-Juan; it is believed to have been orchestrated by republican circles subtly influenced by Joseph Fouché, perhaps to preempt the Emperor.

The small imperial troop reached Cannes, where they bivouacked near the chapel of Notre-Dame de Bonsecours. Cambronne was sent ahead to Grasse.

Between Cannes and Grasse, Napoleon encountered the Prince of Monaco; the two men exchanged a few words. “Where are you going?” asked Napoleon. “I am going home,” replied the prince. “So am I,” retorted the Emperor. Napoleon did not follow the road that now bears his name; it did not exist yet. This road intersects the path of that time in some places; in others, it deviates, and the old road is lost in the thickets.

The Flight of the Eagle

Here is a summarized account of the itinerary followed by Napoleon and his men: On March 2nd, they camped in the snow at an altitude of 1000 meters. Along the way, the Emperor handed a purse of gold to the mother of the deceased General Jean-Baptiste Muiron.

On March 3rd, they reached Castellane, where Napoleon encountered the sub-prefect removed by Louis XVIII but not yet replaced, continuing to Barrême in single file through the snow. On March 4th, after the cash boxes fell into a ravine, upon arrival in Digne, where the bishop expressed displeasure and proclamations were printed.

On March 5th, at Sisteron, the fortress could have halted their progress if the hesitations of royalist troops hadn’t left the passage open. It must be acknowledged, in their defense, that the landing was initially mistaken for the return of some weary veterans from the island of Elba.

In the evening, they reached Gap, where Napoleon received an enthusiastic welcome, paying for it with the abandonment of his flag. On March 6th, at Corps, the small group was reinforced by local peasants who escorted them, and some even expressed a desire to join. At La Mure, Napoleon commended the mayor for refusing to destroy the bridge.

On March 7th, at Laffrey, the Emperor advanced alone to meet the troop sent from Grenoble to stop him. The officer ordered him to fire, but the soldiers of the 5th regiment, refusing to obey, cheered Napoleon. Between Vizille and Grenoble, Colonel de la Bédoyère brought his regiment as reinforcements, and an imposing force approached the capital of Dauphiné.

The governor of Grenoble, General Marchand, was determined to resist; nonetheless, the gates were breached under the pressure of the crowd and soldiers.

Napoleon stayed in Grenoble for two days, from where he sent a courier to Marie-Louise, inviting her to join him, but in vain. He left Grenoble on March 9th to reach Bourgoin-Jallieu, where the illuminated city gave him an ovation despite the late hour (3 a.m.).

On March 10th, Napoleon reached Lyon; the Count of Artois, the Duke of Orléans, and Marshal Étienne Macdonald had been sent by Louis XVIII to defend the second city of the kingdom, but they could not oppose the tide.

Napoleon spent two days in Lyon, where he issued several decrees and a new letter to Marie-Louise. On March 13th, he arrived in Mâcon, expressing dissatisfaction with the city’s defense in 1814. On March 14th, he was in Châlons-sur-Saône, where a delegation from Dijon informed him of the expulsion of the royalist mayor and prefect.

The Hundred Days

The Emperor now behaves as if he were once again on the throne; he no longer merely issues proclamations and decrees but dismisses magistrates and officers, appoints others, and bestows decorations.

On March 15, in Autun, he learns of Marshal Michel Ney’s allegiance, who had promised the king to bring him back in an iron cage; he instructs the marshal to retain his command. He also confronts the royalist authorities of the city, accusing them of being led by the nose by priests and emigrants, and threatens to deal with them by hanging.

On March 16, in Avallon, General Jean-Baptiste Girard awaits him with two new regiments in a city adorned with the tricolor. On March 17, Napoleon arrives in Auxerre, where he reviews the 14th line of Colonel Bugeaud. On March 18, he writes a new letter to Marie-Louise and organizes the march on Paris, which the battalion from the Island of Elba will join by water coach; the Guard abandons the king and rallies to the Emperor. On March 19, Napoleon passes through Sens.

During the night, Louis XVIII leaves the Tuileries to move closer to the Belgian border. The Duke of Berry’s army, which was in charge of fighting Napoleon, disintegrates as a result of the officers’ desertions and the soldiers’ defection to the Emperor, who resides in Fontainebleau.

On March 20, Paris gradually fell into the hands of the Bonapartists. The tricolor flag is raised on public buildings. All that is awaited is the arrival of the great man. He arrives soon, and one of the witnesses to the scene of his entry into the Tuileries, carried in triumph by his supporters, General Paul Thiébault, believes he is witnessing the resurrection of Christ.

What lessons can be drawn from this fantastic reconquest of power without firing a shot? First, the common people and soldiers overwhelmingly approved the return of the Emperor. Second, with a few exceptions, the elites remained reserved, including senior officers, until the outcome was certain, and many of them remained loyal to the Bourbons. André Masséna, for example, who was in Marseille, remained on a prudent watch.

The Emperor, restored to his throne, did not regain his almost absolute power of yesteryear; he was far from it. He first had to overcome the last royalist resistance. The Duke of Angoulême, who was in Bordeaux during the landing, had raised an army in the south; this expedition failed, the prince was again exiled, and Emmanuel de Grouchy gained his marshal’s baton.

Napoleon then had to negotiate with the liberals; Benjamin Constant drafted additional acts to the empire’s constitution that gave the new regime a democratic appearance. Napoleon even abolished slavery, which he had reinstated in 1802.

Popular enthusiasm contrasted with the reservations and ulterior motives of the elites; the plebiscite that ratified the regime change met only relative success, given the numerous abstentions.

However, the Emperor’s pleas for peace did not sway his enemies’ opposition; Murat’s untimely commencement of hostilities in Italy, against his brother-in-law’s wishes, obviously contributed to maintaining the allies’ mood, but this senseless gesture was not decisive.

The decision to permanently remove Napoleon was already irrevocably made; Marie-Louise did not return. The war was inevitable. Thanks to the Emperor’s efforts, the reconstituted army was ready in June, but the nation as a whole was not. And the Hundred Days’ adventure ended tragically in the fields of Waterloo on June 18.

The second wave of emigrants returned, more ultra-royalist than ever. The thesis of a Bonapartist plot was endorsed. It legitimized the White Terror. Ney, Labédoyère, and Mouton-Duvernet were shot; Brune and Ramel, the latter deported to Fructidor as royalists, were murdered by fanatics; and General Gazan, who happened to be in Grasse during Napoleon’s passage, was deprived of command until 1830, a light punishment when so many others were in exile.

The Hundred Days contributed significantly to forging the legend of the Emperor; he became more popular than he had ever been. But for defeated France, condemned to see a large part of its territory occupied for 5 years and to pay indemnities of 700 million francs, deprived of the last conquests of the Revolution spared in 1814, this final fall, with the appearance of an individual apotheosis, was a true collective catastrophe.

Key Takeaways of Napoleon’s Hundred Days

• Exile to Elba: After his abdication in 1814, Napoleon was sent into exile on the island of Elba in the Mediterranean. The great powers of Europe granted him sovereignty over the island, but they kept a close eye on him.
• Escape from Elba: Taking advantage of the political instability in France and the discontent with the restored Bourbon monarchy, Napoleon escaped from Elba on February 26, 1815, landing in France on March 1.
• Supporters and March to Paris: Napoleon’s return to France was met with a mixed response. Many soldiers rallied to his side, and he began a march to Paris. The Bourbon king, Louis XVIII, fled the capital, and Napoleon entered Paris on March 20, 1815.
• Congress of Vienna Reaction: The return of Napoleon shocked the European powers, especially those who had signed the Treaty of Paris in 1814. The Congress of Vienna declared him an outlaw, and the Seventh Coalition against him was formed.
• Reforms: During the Hundred Days, Napoleon implemented several domestic reforms, including the Charter of 1815, which established a constitutional monarchy, and social and economic measures. However, these were not enough to secure his position.
• Waterloo Campaign: In an attempt to secure his rule, Napoleon launched a military campaign against the Seventh Coalition, which was led by the Duke of Wellington and the Prussian General Blücher. The campaign culminated in the Battle of Waterloo.
• Defeat at Waterloo: The Battle of Waterloo took place on June 18, 1815, in present-day Belgium. Despite initial successes, the combined forces of the British and Prussian armies defeated Napoleon. The outcome sealed his fate.
• Abdication and Second Exile: Following the defeat at Waterloo, Napoleon abdicated on June 22, 1815, in favor of his son. However, this abdication was not recognized, and he was forced to abdicate unconditionally on June 25. He was then exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic.
• Death in Exile: Napoleon spent the rest of his life in exile in Saint Helena, where he died on May 5, 1821. The cause of death was stomach cancer, although there have been theories and controversies surrounding his death.

The main European monarchist nations have looked down on France ever since the French Revolution and the beheading of Queen Marie Antoinette (aunt of the Austrian Emperor); hence, the country has been at war with them ever since. Since his coronation as emperor in 1804, Napoleon Bonaparte has led the French imperial army in its fight against European invaders. France and the coalition countries (Britain, Prussia, and Russia) fought in the War of the Fourth Coalition between 1806 and 1807.

The Winter Campaign and the Battle of Friedland, which pitted Russia against France, eventually brought an end to this endless conflict after a string of decisive French wins. Napoleon I’s reputation was boosted by the peace pact that followed the fight. Unfortunately, the calm only lasted for almost two years before the War of the Fifth Coalition broke out.

Why Did the Battle of Friedland Take Place?

There was a string of conflicts leading up to the Battle of Friedland that occurred during the War of the Fourth Coalition. Through three wars, Napoleon’s empire grew and humiliated the rest of Europe.

Prussia joined forces with the United Kingdom and Russia in an effort to fight Napoleon and reclaim the continental supremacy it had lost in recent years. Prussia declared war on France because France refused to pull its forces back from the Rhine, which functioned as a natural border. In 1806, Napoleon launched an offensive against Prussia and Poland, defeating the forces of both European kings.

The imperial soldiers resumed their winter offensive to the east after taking Berlin. The Russians and the French clashed in several major conflicts. This fourth war lasted less than a year, from October 9, 1806, to July 9, 1807. The Russian army was defeated and forced to retire to Friedland, the final battle that ended the conflict.

Who Took Part in the Battle of Friedland?

The Russian Empire and the French Empire faced off against one another at the Battle of Friedland. Napoleon I, who had been the French Emperor for less than three years, led France while Tsar Alexander I ruled Russia. One of Napoleon’s most faithful commanders, Jean Lannes, who was also well-versed in Russian tactics, was given leadership of the French army. For their part, the Russian armed forces were split between two veteran commanders: Levin August von Bennigsen and Piotr Ivanovich Bagration.

With just around 66,000 troops, France was vastly outnumbered. On the other side, Russia fielded close to 84,000 troops. Despite this numerical inferiority, France benefited from the prisoners of war captured during the Polish campaign, who helped maintain the armies and provided manpower for tactical maneuvers.

How Did the Battle of Friedland Unfold?

On June 14, 1807, at Friedland, the Battle of Friedland started. Now called Pravdinsk, the city is part of Russia’s Kaliningrad Oblast, which is wedged between Poland and Lithuania. The day before, Napoleon’s soldiers, under the command of Jean Lannes, dispersed across the plains to prevent the Russians from reaching Friedland should they launch an attack. The French intended to hold off the Russians for as long as they could so that Napoleon’s reinforcements could arrive and bolster their numbers. However, the lay of the land, with its winding roads and hilly terrain, made the Russians’ advance invisible as they reached the town and established outposts.

Napoleon and his reinforcing army arrived on the night of June 14 from the left bank of the Alle. Both forces called upon their cavalry units to harass opposing positions and impede camp setup. In the afternoon, the two armies faced each other and the battle started. In order to begin their onslaught, the French sent troops straight into Friedland. As a result of the terrain and other factors, they decided to assault from the left side. The French army reached Friedland without opposition and the remaining French forces swiftly surrounded the Russian army. Heavy cavalry known as “dragons” played a crucial role in the victory by penetrating the Russian defenses from afar.

Who Won the Battle of Friedland?

France’s victory at Friedland may be attributed to two factors that ultimately convinced the Russians to sign their surrender. The first was the taking of Friedland, which would provide the French with a significant tactical advantage in terms of defense and reinforcement and thus should not be allowed to happen. The second was the surrounding of the outnumbered Russian armed forces. On the night of June 15 (after being pushed back), the Russians surrendered.

How Many People Died in the Battle of Friedland?

When the number of men participating in the battle is taken into account, the Russian side suffered a much higher loss of life than the French did. Nearly 12,000 Russians were killed or injured, while another 10,000 were captured as prisoners. This is more than 20% of Russia’s total military strength. Less than 1,645 Frenchmen were killed, and about 8,995 were injured. The 2,426 French prisoners taken during the battle were released after the French victory.

What Were the Consequences of the Battle of Friedland?

The Russian generals begged Tsar Alexander to request an armistice; the emissaries he sent to Napoleon on June 16 were well received. The same day, Königsberg fell to the French and three days later, the Grande Armée (The Great Army) reached the banks of the Niemen, but Napoleon felt unable to pursue the enemy beyond the river. Above all, he feared that Austria would join the coalition and attack the Grande Armée, so far from its bases. For his part, Alexander feared a peasant revolt in the Ukraine and an Ottoman offensive on the Danube.

On the 25th, Alexander met Napoleon on a raft in the middle of the Niemen, “The new frontier of the world“, exclaimed Napoleon. Alexander is said to have approached Napoleon, saying “Sire, I hate the English as much as you do“. Napoleon replied, “In this case peace is made!”.

On July 7, the two heads of state signed the treaty of the same name at Tilsit. Russia became France’s ally, relinquishing its territories in the Mediterranean, in particular the Ionian Islands, and adhering to the Continental Blockade. The treaty also included secret articles, such as the plan to dismember the Ottoman Empire. A similar treaty was signed with Prussia on July 9.

The treaty was catastrophic for the Kingdom of Prussia, which lost all its territories west of the Elbe to form the Kingdom of Westphalia, headed by the Emperor’s brother Jerome. Prussia also had to cede its possessions in Poland to form the Duchy of Warsaw and pay a heavy war indemnity. Napoleon and his empire became even more powerful.

Supply levels, hostile activity, and, to a lesser extent, road conditions, all played a role in the pace at which the forces advanced. With rest days and major engagements factored in, the average daily speed of the French army’s march to Moscow was a little over 10 kilometers. The distance that the battling forces of French invasion of Russia (known in Russian historiography as the Patriotic War of 1812) had to traverse was unparalleled. While the Russian army was able to start the war on its soil, the troops of Napoleon’s Grand Army had a far longer journey to make before they could assemble in the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and Prussia.

In the second half of 1810, the French Emperor began planning a new expedition against Russia. However, the first few months were dedicated to preparations for the coming Great Army, with the majority of the recruits still residing in the German and Italian nations, France, and Spain. In the spring of 1812, army movements became more frequent. Sergeant Burgon of the Imperial Guard wrote in his memoirs that in March the regiment he was a part of, which had been stationed at Almeida, Portugal, got orders to move toward the Niemen River and cross it on June 25.

Their unit took nearly three months to travel 3,000 kilometers at an average speed of 30 kilometers per day. However, this is more of an outlier than the rule, as other units did not go so rapidly or over so little distance. Examples include the Grand Army’s First Corps, which was organized in the middle of 1811 on the Elbe and arrived at the frontiers in early June 1812. Of the Great Army’s entire strength of some 680,000 men, around 450,000 were tasked with crossing the Russian border along a front that was around 500 kilometers wide sometime in late June or early July.

Supply and communication problems faced by the Grand Army

The pace at which a military force marched was determined by a number of factors, including the territorial control of the force in question and the make-up of the unit’s corps, detachment, or division. The availability of food and forage in the regions the troops traversed was a significant constraint. Different types of troops sometimes moved at different speeds and in different groups because they had different food needs.

After the campaign had begun, the Great Army’s progress was largely determined by the Russian army’s movements. When feasible, soldiers sought to forage and gather food locally. Soldiers on the front lines had to rely only on supplies that could be acquired in the seized territory since supply carts carrying food for troops and horses as well as military supplies could not keep up with the advanced forces.

The continual need to keep an eye on the adversary meant that they had little time for gathering supplies and foraging. Occasionally, the leading units would do forced marches of up to 60 kilometers, but this pace could never be maintained.

The troops needed to rest after just a couple of such quick marches, and the enemy would not allow them to keep up such a pace indefinitely. Multiple skirmishes could take place in a single day. On August 14, for example, General Dmitry Neverovsky’s detachment in Krasny, near Smolensk, had a 20-kilometer retreat, constantly fighting with the enemy, who, despite numerical superiority, were unable to overturn the Russian soldiers.

Reserves could be moved at a more or less consistent rate behind French lines. From the frontier to Smolensk, where it met the main troops of the Emperor, Marshal Victor’s corps advanced at a rate of 25 to 30 kilometers per day.

The couriers carrying imperial communications traveled far more quickly, covering the distance between Moscow and Paris in 14 or 15 days thanks to a well-organized system of relays. On the other hand, in Russia, replacement messengers were only needed every 30–40 kilometers, and in Western Europe, every 170 kilometers. Napoleon Bonaparte‘s decision to abandon the troops after the Berezina campaign required him to travel roughly 2,500 kilometers back to Paris in just 15 days.

Bibliography:

1. Dominic Lieven, Russia Against Napoleon: The True Story of the Campaigns of War and Peace, 2011.
2. Nikolai Promyslov. (2014). The image of Russia in French public opinion, 1811-12. Kritika.