Year of the Four Emperors: From Galba to Vespasian

The "Year of the Four Emperors" refers to the tumultuous year 69 AD in the history of the Roman Empire.

Year of the Four Emperors - galba, otho, vitellius, vespasian
Year of the Four Emperors: Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian.

The Year of the Four Emperors refers to the period from June 68 to December 69, during which the three emperors (Galba, Otho, and Vitellius) succeeded each other at the helm of the Roman Empire before power eventually fell to Vespasian, the first emperor of the new Flavian dynasty. This was the first civil war since the reign of Augustus. It began in the final months of Nero‘s rule with the rebellion of Gaius Julius Vindex in the province of Gallia Lugdunensis.

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Galba was acclaimed as emperor in Hispania, Vitellius by the Germanic legions, Otho by the Praetorian Guard in Rome, and finally Vespasian by the Eastern and Danubian legions.

Historical Context of the Year of the Four Emperors

In the early days of 68 AD, a looming revolt cast a shadow over Nero and his extravagant excesses. This was just as Nero was returning from a purely artistic sojourn in Greece. Gaius Julius Vindex, the governor of the Gallia Lugdunensis province, emerged as a significant threat, openly considering a revolt against the emperor. His efforts also drew on Servius Sulpicius Galba, an elderly and exceedingly wealthy governor of Hispania Tarraconensis. Galba was a paragon of loyalty to the state, having faithfully served Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius.

Across the African region, Lucius Clodius Macro, the prefect, also raised the banner of revolt against Nero, leveraging the threat of blocking vital grain supplies to Rome.

On the fateful day of May 15, 68 AD, Lucius Verginius Rufus, the prefect of the legions in Germania Superior (“Upper Germania”), decisively defeated Vindex’s forces near Besançon. This victory provided Nero with a brief period of relief from the brewing turmoil.

Meanwhile, in Spain, Galba had either declared himself “emperor” or, according to Suetonius, accepted a humbler title, that of “Legate of the Senate and the Roman People.” He also recruited troops to reinforce his legion, the VII “Gemina,” but he couldn’t save Vindex from defeat in time.

Nero’s Death

In the city of Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus, the commander of the Praetorian Guard, engaged in a hidden alliance with Galba, magnifying Nero’s anxieties and imbuing him with concocted details, each progressively more harrowing than the previous. He even skillfully convinced Nero to shutter his Domus Aurea, opting for a dwelling on the peripheries of Rome.

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The Year of the Four Emperors occurred due to the death of Emperor Nero, which led to a power vacuum and a struggle for the imperial throne. Various factions within the Roman military and political circles supported different candidates.

With Nero extricated from the stage, Sabino undermined the allegiance of the Praetorians, who then sided with Galba as the Senate tallied their votes opposing Nero, denouncing him as “an enemy of the state“. Subsequently, Nero brought about his own demise, shortly beyond the borders of Rome, assisted by his four freedmen, on the 6th of June, 68 AD, abandoned by all who were once around him. The Senate voted for Nero’s damnatio memoriae, and Galba was elected emperor through a plebiscite.

Galba

Entrance to Rome

Upon hearing the news of Nero’s death and his own election, Galba gathered his troops and marched towards Rome. Contrary to all expectations, it took him about four months to reach the city (he actually entered on October 68). During this period, the situation in Rome had become dire: the city had been left to the supporters of Nero (mostly freed slaves of the previous princeps), who were plundering, robbing, and terrorizing the population. When Galba ordered the disbandment of Legio I Adiutrix, which had been formed on Nero’s orders, the legion resisted, leading to a massacre at the Milvian Bridge that claimed 700 lives from the legion.

Nymphidius Sabinus, disappointed by Galba’s decision to replace him with Cornelius Laco as the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, tried to exploit the difficult situation to make himself emperor with the support of the Praetorians. However, fearing Galba’s inevitable reaction and not wanting to lose the huge reward promised upon Galba’s arrival in Rome, the Praetorians rejected Sabinus’ proposal and killed him in the Roman Forum (January 69).

Galba was a Roman general and governor who, in 68 AD, had his supporters declare him to be the new emperor. He tried to bring order and responsibility to the empire, but there was a lot of controversy and political scheming during his reign.

Due to his stinginess (he hadn’t given them the promised reward), his advanced age, and his severity—which was especially harsh in comparison to Nero’s previous 14-year rule—Galba was not popular with the soldiers.

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The Situation in the Germania Territories Under Galba

While most provinces posed no problems for Galba, only the legions in Germania, the same ones that had defeated Gaius Julius Vindex, protested against the Praetorians benefiting from the emperor’s ascent to the throne.

The legions stationed in Germania exhibited a deliberate reluctance to withdraw their loyalty from Nero. Their commanding officer, Lucius Verginius Rufus, exhibited no haste in aligning himself with Galba’s faction. Despite having declined the offer of ruling, which his soldiers presented to him, Verginius found himself summoned back by the emperor and faced allegations. This occurrence incited a sense of resentment among the Germania soldiers, almost as if they were accountable for it themselves.

Furthermore, the Upper Germanian military held a strong disdain for their new leader, Hordeonius Flaccus, who succeeded Verginius. This was attributed to Flaccus’ advanced age and his apparent lack of authoritative presence. On the other hand, the Lower Germania (Germania Inferior) forces had been devoid of a consul-ranked general for a considerable duration. To pacify the soldiers, Galba took the step of appointing Vitellius to that position.

Nonetheless, a few days later, the procurator representing the Belgica province conveyed to Rome that the legions stationed in Upper Germania were urging the Senate and the Roman populace to designate a new emperor. This request was presented in a manner aimed at appearing less radical, thus circumventing the extremity of their oath. This incident underscored Galba’s pressing requirement to identify a suitable successor.

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Appointment of a Successor

The actual authority was distributed among Consul Titus Vinius, Praetorian Prefect Cornelius Laco, and Galba’s former slave, Icelus Martianus. Despite frequently arriving at mutual understandings, they held differing opinions regarding the matter of who should succeed. Vinius leaned towards Otho, the administrator of Lusitania, whereas the rest preferred anyone other than Otho. Galba was reluctant to adopt Otho due to his resemblance to Nero, though this likeness garnered the backing of his soldiers.

Galba called for Lucius Calpurnius Piso Licinianus to be adopted, possibly either by his own volition or following Laco’s counsel. Piso originated from an esteemed family characterized by serious and dignified qualities, and he was the nephew of Gaius Calpurnius Piso, whom Nero put to death for involvement in a plot. The announcement of Piso’s adoption occurred within the military camp to demonstrate respect to the army and secure their genuine support. In the Senate, Piso gained the senators’ favor by addressing them with warmth, a departure from Galba’s directness.

The Conspiracy

Galba ended up losing one of his oldest allies, Otho. Otho knew that if he delayed his action, he would be exiled, as every ruler suspects and hates their favored successor. Consequently, he chose to make his move during a period of Galba’s wavering authority and before Piso could firmly establish his own power.

Otho embarked on a campaign to secure the support of soldiers through a series of shrewd tactics. He extended generous gifts to them, treated them as equals, and undermined Galba’s reputation through negative remarks. The soldiers, burdened by the demands of military discipline, found Otho’s approach appealing, especially given the arduous journeys they had undertaken across the Pyrenees and the Alps from Tarraconensis. Otho discreetly shared his plans with a select few, inciting a chain reaction that swiftly spread throughout the army. The awareness of the precarious situation in Germania fueled this growing sentiment.

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The plan was for the soldiers to initiate their uprising on January 14, timed to coincide with Otho’s return from a banquet. However, hesitation resulted from worries about the difficulties presented by darkness, the dispersed placement of troops throughout the city, and the disorderly behavior caused by intoxicated revelers.

There was also a fear that an imposter might seize Otho’s identity, given his relatively low recognition among the ranks. Laco, who was oblivious to the unfolding events, downplayed intelligence reports that suggested the soldiers’ discontent had reached Galba.

On the 15th of January, Otho received news from Onomastus, the leader he had chosen for the plot, while observing the sacrifice rituals conducted by Galba. The message conveyed the soldiers’ preparedness for action. Under the pretext of leaving for a moment, Otho encountered 23 bodyguards as he approached the Temple of Saturn. This escort accompanied him towards the Praetorian camp, where additional guards joined their ranks. The tribunes and centurions didn’t offer opposition, perceiving the overwhelming number of traitors as insuperable.

Piso’s attempts to recall Illyrian detachments met with resistance, and two Primus pilus sent to summon the Germanic units encountered hesitation. These units were inclined to assist Galba, who had taken care of them, yet their physical condition had suffered after the prolonged journey. A sense of distrust, however, persisted toward Legio I Adiutrix, which had suffered under Galba’s harsh measures upon his arrival in Rome and thus aligned promptly with Otho. In a bid to quash the revolt at its inception, three tribunes were dispatched to the Praetorian camp, but their efforts proved futile.

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Death

Galba, who was within the palace at that moment, opted to directly confront the uprising. As soon as he hinted at stepping out, rumors began to circulate that Otho had met his demise in the camp, and this false information swiftly gained traction. In an attempt to uncover the truth, Galba, while being carried on a stretcher, was brought outside to face the alleged assassin. Meanwhile, in the camp, the soldiers were brimming with enthusiasm. They lifted Otho onto the platform where Galba’s golden statue had stood just a while ago. The entire Legio I Adiutrix joined in, pledging allegiance.

Galba discovered that the terrified crowd was carrying him back and forth as he approached the forum. News reached Otho that the populace was arming against him. Consequently, he ordered his men to rush in and prevent this. Mounted soldiers stormed into the forum, trampling over the people and senators.

Seeing the soldiers upon them, the standard-bearer of the cohort accompanying Galba tore down the image from his staff and cast it to the ground. At that signal, all the soldiers bowed to Otho, causing the multitude to flee and the forum to empty. The soldiers then killed Galba, Titus Vinius, and Piso. Their heads were paraded on long poles amidst the cohort’s banners, right beside the eagle of Legio I Adiutrix. The perpetrators displayed their bloodied hands, and those who had witnessed the carnage extolled them.

Later, Vitellius found 120 petitions for rewards for notable deeds in the massacre, and he ordered those who had written them to be found and killed—not to honor Galba, but for self-defense. Now the people cursed Galba and cheered for Otho. A messenger sent by Otho murdered Prefect Laco, who appeared to be in exile on an island. Icelus was publicly executed as a freedman, and Otho permitted proper burials for the corpses.

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Otto’s Imperial Title and the War Against Vitellius

Otho promptly granted numerous privileges to his soldiers, even leading them astray. On the 15th of January in the year 69, coinciding with Galba’s demise, the Senate, apprehensive of the Praetorian Guard, designated Otho as the new emperor. Nevertheless, Otho encountered two significant challenges: foremost, the underlying animosity of the Senate, which grieved for Galba, and subsequently, the uprising of the legions stationed in Lower Germania under the command of Vitellius, hailed as emperor by his troops. Information regarding Vitellius, formerly concealed, was disseminated, and the entire populace bemoaned Rome’s fate, grappling with the selection of two such deplorable individuals as Otho and Vitellius.

Otho was a governor who challenged Galba’s rule and eventually orchestrated Galba’s assassination. Otho became emperor but faced challenges from other claimants, leading to his eventual defeat and suicide.

Discontent in Germania

In early December of 68 AD, Vitellius made a trip to the military encampment, which was experiencing restlessness due to baseless rumors and a craving for spoils. He won the favor of his soldiers by bestowing promotions and titles, a task that Fonteius Capito had faltered in completing. Several factors contributed to the discontentment with Galba among the troops, including their proximity to individuals adversely affected by Galba’s policies and their hesitancy to align with his faction. The recent war against Vindex had shown them their worth.

When envoys from the Lingones appeared seeking an alliance and recounted their hardships, the notion of rebellion took root among the soldiers. Hordeonius Flaccus opted to discreetly dispatch the envoys under the cover of night to prevent their departure from becoming common knowledge, but there was suspicion that their grievances had led to their demise. An unspoken understanding developed between the legions and the auxiliary forces.

Vitellius’ Appointment in Germania

On the first day of January, following established custom, the legions stationed in Lower Germania (I Germanica, V Alaudae, XV Primigenia, and XVI Gallica) along with those in Upper Germania (IV Macedonica and XXI Rapax) were required to reaffirm their pledge of allegiance to Galba. The initial legions carried out this obligation with hesitance and minimal enthusiasm, awaiting a spark to initiate a rebellion. In contrast, the latter legions declined to comply. On that very day, they overthrew the statues honoring Galba and instead swore their loyalty to the Senate, all under the observant gaze of Hordeonius Flaccus. Soldiers apprehended four centurions who attempted to protect the statues, leading them away in restraints.

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Vitellius received word of these events and promptly dispatched envoys to the legions. The messengers conveyed that the legions were faced with a choice: to either engage in conflict against the Upper Germania legions or to opt for an emperor chosen through the legions’ own electoral process. The decision ultimately favored Vitellius.

Preparations

The centurions, who had shown loyalty to Galba, were slain by the soldiers they were chained to. Legio I Italica and the Taurian cavalry wing, positioned in Lyon, alongside forces from Raetia and Britannia, united with Vitellius. The army was divided into three divisions, assigning Fabius Valens the leadership of units from the Lower Germania army. A total of 40,000 soldiers, including the auxiliary troops and the V legion’s emblematic eagle, were with him. Their initial objective was to gain the favor of the Gauls and, if met with resistance, to inflict devastation, proceeding thereafter to enter Italy through the Cottian Alps. Leading 30,000 troops from Upper Germania, mainly the XXI Rapax legion, Aulus Caecina Alienus would navigate through the Great St. Bernard Pass. In the rear, Vitellius himself would oversee the largest segment of the army.

Fabius Valens

Fabius Valens effortlessly traversed the territory belonging to the allied Treveri without encountering any hindrances. However, upon arriving at Divodurum (modern Metz), the city of the Mediomatrici, and being warmly received, an inexplicable rage seized the army. This inexplicable fury led to the killing of 4,000 men. It was only through Fabius Valens’ earnest appeals that the entire city was spared from complete devastation.

As a result of this incident, there was a notable shift in behavior among Gallic populations, who began approaching the army with offerings and presents out of apprehension. With the news of Otho’s ascent to power disseminating, the Gauls were resolute in their choice of whom to acknowledge as the new emperor. Their sentiments toward both Otho and Vitellius were equally negative, but there was a greater apprehension associated with the latter.

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A conflict had ignited between Lyon, which remained loyal to Nero, and Vienne, which supported Vindex and Galba. There had been a long-standing rivalry between these two cities, and recent events had only heightened it. Galba had accepted financial contributions from Lyon for the fiscus and had bestowed significant honors upon Vienne. Recognizing the peril in their allegiance to Galba, the people of Vienne approached the legions with humility and managed to alleviate the concerns of the inhabitants of Lugdunum. Valens, who distributed 300 sestertii to each Lugdunum resident and pleaded for the safety of the disarmed Viennese, who had to supply the army with resources, contributed to this achievement.

Subsequently, the army proceeded to reach the Alps.

Aulus Caecina Alienus

Disregarding the incident involving Galba’s death, the Helvetii declined to acknowledge Vitellius as the rightful emperor. While traversing through Caecina’s domain, they opted for armed conflict. Caecina ravaged the enemy lands near the settlement of Vicus Aquensis, now known as Baden. He subsequently communicated with the auxiliary forces of Raetia, encouraging them to stage a surprise attack on the Helvetii from their rear while he engaged them from the front.

Understanding the imminent threat, the local Helvetii grasped the futility of facing the Romans head-on. Consequently, they scattered and fled towards Mount Vocenzio. However, a contingent of Raetian auxiliaries swiftly dislodged them from their position, leading to their either being killed or taken captive. Following this, the Roman forces advanced towards Aventicum, the capital city of the Helvetii, where they accepted the terms of surrender.

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Caecina became aware that the Silian cavalry, which had previously been under Vitellius’s command in Africa and had been stationed along the Po River, had shifted allegiance to him. This resulted in the surrender of Milan, Novara, Eporedia, and Vercellae. In response, Caecina dispatched a segment of the auxiliary troops to safeguard the region. Later, he successfully traversed the Alps via the Great St. Bernard Pass.

Loyalty of the Provinces

Concerning the allegiance of the regions, Otho found favor from nearby provinces of Italy like Dalmatia, Pannonia, Moesia, and briefly Aquitania. Additionally, due to his esteemed position in Rome, he gained backing from the eastern territories such as Egypt and Syria (courtesy of Mucianus), as well as the Judean campaign forces (owing to Vespasian). In Africa, cities took inspiration from Carthage, where a former slave of Nero, acting without the proconsul’s sanction, arranged a significant feast to honor Otho. On the other hand, Gallia Narbonensis, drawn to Vitellius’ cause by the perceived threat his nearby troops posed, and Spain (even though initially it was believed to be for Otho) both supported him.

Otho’s Counterattack

Otho decided to personally lead the war and ordered many magistrates and consuls to accompany him, without waiting for the sacred shields (ancilia) to be stored. The responsibility of governing Rome was placed in the hands of Salvius Titianus. Leading a contingent of four legions from the regions of Dalmatia and Pannonia, Otho was also receiving additional troops from Rome. Their primary objective was the defense of the Po River, as Caecina had already made his way across the Alps.

Due to Vitellius’ obstruction of the Alpine passes, Otho decided to launch an assault on Gallia Narbonensis with the help of his devoted naval forces, as well as urban and Praetorian allies. Upon learning of this impending danger, Fabius Valens dispatched reinforcements, particularly cavalry, to Gallia Narbonensis. Before long, the Battle of Forum Julii transpired.

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The First Battle of Bedriacum

Caecina’s advancing Vitellian cohorts took control of the Po Valley and traversed the Po in the vicinity of Piacenza. The Othonians, after some initial uncertainty, readied themselves for a defensive stance. As the remainder of Caecina’s forces joined, they initiated the encirclement of Piacenza. The city’s troops triumphed over the Vitellians, prompting the latter to retrace their steps across the Po and head towards Cremona.

Legio I Adiutrix, en route to aid Piacenza, paused at Bedriacum upon learning of the triumph. Feeling pressure from the approach of Fabius Valens and the setbacks suffered by his forces, including an assault by Marcius Macer, Caecina instigated the Battle of Locus Castorum in a bid for renewed renown. However, the outcome continued to work against him. Upon receiving this report, the soldiers under Valens, who had revolted against their leader, regrouped and hastened to assist Caecina.

Concurrently, Otho had delegated command to his sibling, Lucius Salvius Otho Titianus, and Proculus, the prefect of the Praetorian guard. Proculus was primarily suited for administrative tasks rather than combat, and even though he departed with the praetorians, scouts, and cavalry, he remained the sole figure the soldiers held respect for due to their skepticism towards commanders. Nevertheless, Otho only demanded speed. Otho’s soldiers then headed to Bedriacum for a swift campaign, which concluded with the decisive battle in which the Othonians were defeated.

Death of Otho

After being informed about the loss by a group of survivors who were keen on seeking retribution, Otho made the decision to depart gracefully instead of putting the brave young individuals in jeopardy. At the end of the day, he ended his own life in Brixellum. As his funeral took place, the uprising ignited once more, urging Lucius Verginius Rufus to take control or dispatch a delegation to the triumphant forces. Verginius fled, and the Vitellians granted clemency to the surviving Othonians.

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Vitellius

Reception of the News

After receiving word about Otho’s passing, the senators who had accompanied him and paused in Modena faced a perilous situation. While the stationed soldiers in that area remained skeptical about Otho’s demise, considering it a potentially false Senate-propagated rumor, the senators couldn’t procrastinate excessively before pledging their allegiance to Vitellius. Upon formally deciding to switch their allegiance to Vitellius, Ceno, a freedman under Nero, took on the responsibility of upholding the credibility of the safe passage granted by Otho. He disseminated information that the arrival of Legio XIV Gemina had altered the circumstances. 

Vitellius was a military commander who rebelled against Otho and seized power, becoming the third emperor of the year. Excess and extravagance were hallmarks of his rule.

However, once they reached Rome, Ceno faced consequences for this misinformation as per Vitellius’ directives. The soldiers guarding the senators, however, clung to the notion that Otho was still alive and that these senators had betrayed him during this interim period. Each senator endeavored to ensure their personal safety until a letter from Fabius Valens eradicated the apprehensions and uncertainties. As news of Otho’s demise eventually reached Rome with certainty, Galba, Vitellius, and those who had contributed to his victory were openly honored.

Journey to Rome

After receiving the favorable tidings, Vitellius convened with Caecina and Valens in Lugdunum to deliberate upon the course of action concerning the Othonian faction. Within their ranks, he ordered the elimination of the most courageous centurions, a decision that severed his ties with the Illyricum legions (namely the XIII Gemina, VII Galbiana, XI Claudia, XIV Gemina, VII Claudiana, VIII Augusta, and III Gallica) that had previously aligned with Otho. The fact that the defeated legions, most notably Legio XIV, which had only participated in the battle through small detachments, showed no loyalty to him made Vitellius uneasy. In response, he chose to reassign this legion to Britannia. Furthermore, Legio I Adiutrix was dispatched to Spain, Legio XI to Dalmatia, and Legio VII to Pannonia.

Meanwhile, Legio XIII was assigned the task of constructing amphitheaters. Additionally, the Praetorian cohorts were disbanded with substantial compensation—an action that would later have grave consequences in the conflict against Vespasian. As part of his strategy, Vitellius directed the Batavians to Germenia, and the Gallic auxiliary forces met a similar fate. Lastly, in an effort to balance the state’s resources, he imposed limitations on the legionnaires by doing away with reserves, inadvertently increasing the burden on each soldier.

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While gradually progressing towards Rome, he organized opulent feasts.

Entry into Rome

Following a massacre that took place seven miles from Rome and involved a sizable number of city residents, Vitellius made his entrance dressed in a toga praetexta and accompanied by his fully decorated army. With the soldier’s lodgings inadequate to house the entirety of his troops, he effectively converted Rome into an immense encampment, allocating soldiers to take up residence in nearly every available dwelling. Additionally, a contingent took up residence in the less salubrious sections of the Vatican, where maladies propagated, particularly among Gauls and Germans who were unaccustomed to the indigenous climate. The soldiers barely managed to control their desire to plunder the city in the face of the wealth and abundance of silver and gold.

War Between Vitellius and Vespasian

Vespasian

In the meantime, Vespasian, who had been actively involved in the conflict against the Jews in the Eastern region since 66 AD, found himself confronted with numerous and complex decisions upon learning about Vitellius’ sudden rise to power. These thoughts consumed him to the extent that he struggled to maintain his focus on overseeing the military campaigns.

The combined military forces of Vespasian and Gaius Licinius Mucianus had already united, forming a formidable coalition of seven legions at the inception of Otho’s rule. Vespasian commanded three legions in Judea, namely V Macedonica, X Fretensis, and XV Apollinaris, while Mucianus led four legions in Syria: III Gallica, IV Scythica, VI Ferrata, and XII Fulminata. Additionally, they received support from two legions stationed in Egypt, along with reinforcements from Cappadocia, Pontus, and the province of Asia. Despite this substantial force, they chose a strategy of patience, refraining from immediately engaging in the conflict between Otho and Vitellius. Their hope was that the two opposing forces would weaken each other, all the while maintaining their allegiance to Otho.

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The Flavian Dynasty was established after the Year of the Four Emperors, with Vespasian becoming the first emperor of this dynasty. The Flavian rulers aimed to bring stability and order back to the empire.

July 1st, 69 AD, is considered the official commencement of Vespasian’s rule, as it marked the day when Egyptian military forces pledged their loyalty to him. Vespasian held Egypt in high regard and made the strategic decision to travel to Alexandria in Egypt with the objective of disrupting the supply of grain to Rome. Subsequently, a cascade of allegiances followed. Leaders such as Syria, King Sohaemus, King Antiochus IV of Commagene, King Herod Agrippa II, and various provinces spanning from Asia to Achaea along the coastline and extending inland toward Pontus and Armenia pledged their loyalty. Unexpectedly, even the King of Parthia offered his support, contributing 40,000 archers to Vespasian’s cause.

Furthermore, the Illyrian legions, which had remained neutral during the conflict between Otho and Vitellius, including III Gallica, VIII Augusta, and VII Claudia, aligned themselves with Vespasian. The thirteenth Gemina and seventh Galbiana legions in the region of Pannonia switched sides as a result of Antonius Primus’s leadership. The Eleventh Claudia Legion in Dalmatia followed this movement. Thus, Vespasian prepared diligently for the impending warfare, all the while maintaining his commitment to ongoing battles on other fronts. He entrusted the management of the Jewish War to his son Titus and took measures to rally the dismissed Praetorians to his cause.

Within the Flavian faction, a division emerged regarding strategy. Some advocated for blocking the Alpine passes from Pannonia, allowing time for reinforcements to assemble from neighboring regions, while others were in favor of an immediate offensive. The latter viewpoint took hold as they became aware of the weaknesses, logistical issues, and susceptibility to maritime assaults of the opposing force.

Among those advocating for swift action was Antonius Primus, who enjoyed the respect of the soldiers. His plan involved spearheading the advance with the Third Gallica Legion stationed in Moesia, where he held the position of governor. Mucianus’ legions would then follow him, with a sizable cavalry contingent. Vespasian endorsed this approach but instructed Antonius Primus to halt in Aquileia right after crossing the Alps, awaiting the arrival of Mucianus’ legions. These legions were en route to Italy by land, traversing through Cappadocia and Phrygia, as the winter season rendered a sea route too hazardous due to the risk of shipwrecks.

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Vitellius

In the midst of these events, Vitellius initiated a series of concessions, spanning both public gestures and private negotiations. His aim was to secure the loyalty of the remaining troops, who remained steadfast in their support for him. Additionally, he orchestrated a fresh recruitment effort within Rome, offering not only immediate discharge upon victory but also a range of rewards and honors typically reserved for veterans, known as “donativa.” Alongside this, he assembled a group comprising gladiators and new recruits, placing his brother Lucius Vitellius the Younger in charge. He also bolstered his maritime presence with a fleet and reinforced the northern regions of Italy using his triumphant generals from the Battle of Bedriacum.

When he learned of the Third Legion’s defection, Vitellius, under the influence of flatterers, immediately requested assistance from his allies in Britain, Germania, and Spain. He pledged rewards in return for their assistance, but their response was cautious. The first two allies cited concerns within their own territories, while the latter were hesitant due to the desire of their current delegates to distance themselves from Vitellius’ impending downfall. Notably, only in Africa, where Vitellius had previously governed fairly as a legate, did they provide their military support to him.

When unfavorable tidings reached him, Vitellius instructed Caecina and Valens, who had gained considerable influence in decision-making and were in rivalry with each other, to prepare for a potential conflict. Valens, having just recovered from an illness, would depart after Caecina, who wanted to gain the favor of Vespasian, as Valens had become Vitellius’ favorite. Caecina set off with detachments from the legions I Germanica, IV Macedonica, XV Primigenia, XVI Gallica, V Alaudae, XXII Primigenia, the entire legions XXI Rapax and I Italica, and detachments from the British legions.

According to Tacitus, Caecina initially advanced towards Cremona with the entire force. However, he diverted to Ravenna, where he conspired with Lucilius Bassus, a former cavalry wing prefect and fleet commander, aiming to incite a rebellion among the soldiers against Otho. Bassus found this task relatively straightforward, given the fleet’s previous accomplishments under Otho.

On the other hand, Josephus Flavius’ account states that Caecina reached Antony near Cremona with his army. Faced with the impressive strength and discipline of the Flavian forces, Caecina opted not to engage in battle. Rather than risking retreat, he contemplated treachery. Despite this, Caecina reneged on his agreements with Valens, convincing Valens’ troops to await his arrival along the route. Caecina claimed that he had altered the strategy to confront the initial impact of the war with maximum force.

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War Is Breaking Out

Antonius Primus

Alongside Antonius Primus, Arrius Varus embarked on a journey and accompanied him in the expedition to conquer Aquileia. In anticipation of a potential assault by the Ravenna fleet, whose shift in loyalty they were yet unaware of, they established a defensive post at Altinum. Seizing an opportunity, they launched a surprise offensive against three cohorts and a division of enemy cavalry situated nearby, successfully repelling them.

Vedius Aquila led a movement to Padua as soon as word of this victory reached the Flavian forces of legions VII Galbiana and XIII Gemina. Selecting Verona as their operational hub due to its affluence and the adjacent plains conducive to cavalry maneuvers, the troops also took control of Vicenza en route, as it was the birthplace of Caecina Alienus. Shortly thereafter, a skirmish ensued against the Caecina outposts.

This development led to the Flavian army encamping near the adversary, adopting a wait-and-see stance for confirmation of the rumored turncoat arrangements. This pause allowed the Flavian ranks to receive reinforcements from legions VII Claudiana, commanded by Aponius Saturninus, as well as legions III and VIII. Subsequent to this reinforcement, the Flavian command resolved to fortify Verona as a strategic move.

Caecina’s Defection

After the instigation of the fleet’s uprising in favor of Vespasian by Lucius Bassus and the selection of Cornelius Fuscus as procurator, Caecina convened his centurions. With the aid of certain associates and by skillfully flattering Vespasian, he persuaded them to pledge their loyalty to the latter. When the tidings disseminated across the encampment and the soldiers witnessed the toppling of Vitellius’ statues, their discontent at surrendering without resistance grew markedly. Consequently, they detained Caecina and intended to deliver him to Vitellius, while also appointing a fresh commander.

In accordance with Tacitus’ account, they subsequently proceeded to Cremona to join legions Legio I Italica and XXI Rapax, dispatched beforehand by Caecina to seize control of the city. The siege of Cremona and the second Battle of Bedriacum, which took place close to one another, both resulted in the defeat of Vitellius’ troops. Following these occurrences, the Flavian faction disseminated the information throughout the provinces and stationed garrisons in the Alps to counter any potential incursion from Germania. Meanwhile, in Rome, Vitellius endeavored to conceal the defeat, yet details inevitably seeped out. Upon comprehending its significance, he opted to dispatch 14 cohorts of the Praetorian Guard along with the entire cavalry to obstruct the Apennines, closely tailed by Legio II Adiutrix.

Fabius Valens

Meanwhile, Valens made gradual progress from Rome, strategically choosing a cautious approach. He aimed to time his movements wisely, possibly allowing him to reach the battlefield in time to offer significant aid, if not entirely prevent Cecina’s defection. Valens was allocated three cohorts and a cavalry unit by Vitellius, yet due to their limited numbers and concerns over their allegiance, he directed them towards Rimini. Regrettably, these forces found themselves surrounded by Cornelius Fuscus, who held control over the Adriatic with his naval forces.

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Valens set his course for Etruria while leading his most loyal troops. His intention was to commandeer vessels in Pisa and make a landing in Gallia Narbonensis. The goal was to garner support from the regions of Gaul and Germania. Nonetheless, the news arrived that Narbonensis had firmly come under the influence of the Flavians, which led Valens to abandon this plan. Despite uncertainties regarding his destination and harboring apprehensions about both urban centers and coastlines, he resolved to embark on his intended journey. Unfortunately, Valens encountered a fierce storm and came under attack by Flavian Liburnian ships. This resulted in his capture, and he was subsequently taken as a prisoner to Urbino. Following these events, both Spain and Gaul switched their allegiances to the Vespasian. In Britannia, Legio II Augusta also sided with the Vespasian, despite conflicting with the three other legions stationed in the region.

Antonius Primus’ Advance

While Vespasian was swiftly progressing in the direction of Alexandria, located in Egypt, aiming to sever the grain supply route to Rome, Antonius Primus was making his way towards Italy. During this movement, he treated the legions under his command as his own, seemingly disregarding the authority of Mucianus. In light of the impending winter and the flooding of the Po Valley, he made the decision to embark on his journey without the provision of supplies. He led an army consisting solely of cohorts, detachments, and cavalry. In Verona, he chose to leave behind a significant number of soldiers and banners.

The Legio XI Claudia, which included 6,000 recently enlisted Dalmatian soldiers and skilled sailors from the Ravenna fleet who were eager to serve alongside the legions, was notable for joining his army. Concerns raised about reports of garrisons stationed in the Apennines and information about the Praetorian cohorts’ departure from Rome caused the progression of this force to halt in Fano. Additionally, it became evident that the region’s resources were inadequate for sustaining the troops. As a result, Antonius made the strategic choice to summon the soldiers from Verona back to his main force and dispatch cavalry units for the purpose of reconnaissance.

The Desertion of Vitellius’s Fleet

At the army’s request, Vitellius proceeded to Bevagna. However, he missed an opportunity to take advantage of the adversary’s shortage of supplies. Upon learning of the Misenum fleet’s desertion, he journeyed back to Rome. The fleet had mutinied as they were presented with fabricated correspondences from Vespasian, which were purported to dictate the rewards for their defection. Vitellius directed a contingent of urban soldiers and gladiators against them, yet they sided with the insurgents and laid claim to Terracina.

Prior to his return to Rome, he made a stop in Narni. At this point, he left Legio II Adiutrix, accompanied by a portion of the cavalry. In order to confront the rebels of the Misenum fleet and their associates, he dispatched his younger sibling, Lucius Vitellius the Younger, to Campania. Lucius took control of Terracina, but he hesitated, desiring his brother’s counsel on whether to promptly come back to Rome or first bring the entirety of Campania under control.

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Surrender of Vitellius’ Troops at Narni

Had Vitellius not chosen to reverse his course, the Flavians’ expedition across the Apennines, which was already complicated due to the presence of snow, would have become an exceedingly challenging endeavor. Following their passage over the mountains, the Flavians halted at what is known today as Montecastrilli, patiently anticipating the arrival of their legions and maintaining open lines of communication with the Vitellians stationed in Narni. Before long, the awaited legions reached their destination.

In an encounter pitting 400 Vitellian cavalry against the Flavians, the latter emerged triumphant. At the sight of the severed head of Fabius Valens, who had been executed in Urbino and was anticipated to lead a Germania army, the Vitellians chose capitulation. With their self-respect intact, they descended to the flatlands below Narni, where the soldiers under Antonius Primus had assembled in battle array. Directives were issued for some troops to be stationed in Narni and others in Terni, in addition to a contingent of victorious Flavian forces.

Vitellius’ Deception and Sabino’s Execution

At this juncture, Primo, Varus, and Mucianus extended an offer to Vitellius, proposing a secure haven in Campania. They included resources in the form of wealth and slaves as a condition for surrendering and laying down his weaponry. While Vitellius may have entertained the notion, his troops, particularly those of Germanic origin, voiced disagreement. Their preference leaned towards a valiant demise, and they harbored suspicion regarding the conditions set by the Flavians. Nevertheless, Vitellius aimed to create a delay due to familial considerations.

He engaged in negotiations with Titus Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian’s sibling, and the urban prefect, offering to step down and provide a substantial sum of a hundred million sesterces to ensure his safety. Consequently, he made a public appearance on the steps of the imperial palace. Addressing a gathering of soldiers, he declared his intention to relinquish the imperial throne, citing an imposed authority. In the face of protests and raised voices, he postponed his verdict and remained within the palace confines for another night.

On December 18, 69, Vitellius emerged from the palace, garbed in mourning attire and encircled by a throng of people. With teary eyes, he recited an identical speech, this time following a prepared text. After placing the insignia at the Temple of Concordia, he set a course for his brother’s residence. However, the assembled crowd prevented his entry into the private dwelling, guiding him back to the palace premises.

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Subsequently, Flavius Sabinus marshaled his troops, anticipating reactions from steadfast Vitellian supporters, Germanic legionnaires, and perhaps a portion of the populace. As he descended from the Quirinal Hill, clashes erupted with forces loyal to Vitellius. Ultimately, the Vitellians emerged victorious, leading Sabino to fortify his position with his contingent on Capitoline Hill. Many aristocrats, including Vespasian’s young nephew Domitian, joined him there the ensuing day.

At daybreak, Sabino dispatched a messenger to rebuke Vitellius for not adhering to their previously agreed-upon genuine abdication. Shortly thereafter, the Vitellian forces initiated a siege on Capitoline Hill. According to accounts by Tacitus and Josephus, Vitellius himself sanctioned this assault, swayed by his soldiers. Conversely, Suetonius attributes the attack to “uncontrolled soldiers, bereft of leadership, each driven by individual impulse.”

The confrontation culminated in the conflagration of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the triumph of the Vitellians, and the demise of most Flavian adherents present. Numerous notable figures within the aristocracy, including Domitian, fortuitously managed to evade capture. Sabino, however, encountered a less fortunate fate. Vitellian operatives escorted him to the imperial palace, where he was executed in Vitellius’ presence, despite his futile resistance. Soon after, Vitellius apologized for the situation and made an effort to place blame on others while acknowledging his vulnerability to outside pressures.

The End of Vitellius

After departing from Narni, Antonius Primus observed the Saturnalia festivities while awaiting the arrival of Mucianus’ army. Meanwhile, Petillius Cerialis, who had been dispatched to Rome with a contingent of one thousand cavalry soldiers, was unable to prevent the burning of Capitoline Hill due to his delayed arrival. Upon learning of this setback, the remainder of Antonius’ forces quickened their pace. Antonius proceeded along the Via Flaminia and was informed that Cerialis had suffered a defeat due to insufficient precautions in a location that was well-known to the enemy.

Although the victory bolstered the spirits of the population in Rome, who enthusiastically armed themselves to safeguard the city under Vitellius’ encouragement, the latter convened a meeting of the Senate and dispatched diplomatic missions in pursuit of peace. Regrettably, both Antonius Primus and Petillius Cerialis, along with the Vestal Virgins, rejected the proposals put forth by Vitellius’ envoys. Vitellius’ plea for a brief postponement before the decisive battle was also met with refusal.

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Despite this, Antonius aimed to delay the confrontation, concerned that his soldiers’ zealousness might inadvertently lead to the city’s destruction. However, the soldiers were resolute about proceeding without delay. As a result, on the same date, December 20, 69, a civil war broke out in Rome. According to accounts by Tacitus and Josephus, this was a three-pronged engagement within the city of Rome, culminating in the triumph of the Flavian forces over the Vitellians. On a differing note, Suetonius asserts that Antonius Primus’ vanguard had already penetrated the city and, encountering no opposition, diligently searched for Vitellius throughout. Regardless, following the assault, Vitellius was apprehended and met his demise at the hands of a faction of triumphant Flavian troops.

The triumphant Flavians proclaimed Domitian, the second son of Vespasian, as Caesar as dusk fell and senators sought shelter in the homes of their patrons. He was escorted to his father’s residence, signifying the turn of events.

Beginning of the Vespasian Reign

On December 21st, the day after Vespasian’s troops entered Rome and Vitellius was killed, the Senate officially declared Vespasian as the emperor and consul. His son Titus was appointed as a co-consul alongside him. In the same vein, Vespasian’s second son, Domitian, was chosen as a praetor with consular authority. Mucianus also arrived in Rome on December 22nd, leading his troops into the city and putting an end to the violence that Antonio’s forces had instigated. These violent actions were aimed at locating surviving soldiers loyal to Vitellius and citizens who had supported him.

The death toll exceeded fifty thousand as a result of these clashes. Mucianus then accompanied Domitian to the Roman Forum, introducing him to the Roman citizens as Caesar and acting ruler until Vespasian’s return from the East. Domitian addressed the citizens with a speech during this event. The people, finally liberated from Vitellius and his supporters, enthusiastically hailed Vespasian as the emperor, marking the commencement of a fresh period and the conclusion of Vitellius’s era.

Meanwhile, while Vespasian was present in Alexandria, Egypt, he received the news of Vitellius’s demise and the Senate’s proclamation of him as the emperor (late December of 69 AD). Congratulatory delegations from across the now-unified world under his leadership arrived in great numbers. With a keen desire to set sail for the capital as soon as winter subsided, Vespasian concluded affairs in Egypt. He dispatched his son Titus with considerable forces to capture Jerusalem and ultimately conclude the Jewish War.

After entrusting the Judean troops to his son Titus, Vespasian reached Rome in the spring of 70 AD. The people, fatigued by the events of the previous year, warmly welcomed his arrival. Vespasian promptly directed his efforts towards rectifying the aftermath of the civil war. He restored discipline within the army, which had suffered neglect during Vitellius’s time, and in collaboration with the Senate, he laid a robust foundation for governance and financial stability.

The soldiery, some emboldened by their victory and some resenting their humiliating defeat, had abandoned themselves to every form of licence and recklessness; the provinces, too, and the free cities, as well as some of the kingdoms, were in a state of internal dissension. Therefore he discharged many of the soldiers of Vitellius and punished many; but so far from showing any special indulgence to those who had shared in his victory, he was even tardy in paying them their lawful rewards.

Suetonius, “The Life of Vespasian,” Chapter 8, p301.

With Vespasian’s ascent, a novel hereditary lineage known as the Flavian dynasty was founded. His sons, Titus (79-81 AD) and Domitian (81-96 AD), succeeded Vespasian’s rule (69-79 AD).