Bras in ancient Rome and Greece were called strophium or strophion.
The strophium provided breast support to prevent sagging.
Mosaics depict Roman sportswomen wearing strophium bras and subligaculum panties.
Women in ancient Rome and Greece wore bras, known as strophium (Latin) or strophion (Greek). One of Martial’s epigrams suggests that leather was the typical material for the strophium; however, some golden examples studded with jewels are also mentioned.
Mamillare, Fascia Mamilla (“Breast Ties”), Fascia Pectoralis (“Chest Girdle”), and Mitra are all the various names for this bra in Rome. The ancient Greeks also used the terms tainia, tainidion, apodesmos, stethodesmos, mastodesmos, and mastodeton to refer to their bras, which looked exactly like the Roman bra.
How Was Strophium Used?
Ancient Roman sportswoman with fascia pectoralis (top) and subligaculum (bottom) on a mosaic in the Villa Romana del Casale.
The strophium was one of the earliest precursors of bra in recorded history. It was worn either beneath a long or short tunic, depending on the temperature, just like people do in modern times.
It is unknown if the strophium was a common outfit for Roman women or if certain types of women or special occasions only wore it.
The strophium was part of the ancient Roman bikini worn by ancient athletes during their training and competition, which also included the iconic subligaculum. Greek athletes originally wore this garment in competition but later abandoned all clothes and began to perform completely naked.
Since the use of the subligaculum in Roman society is believed to have originated with the Etruscan people, it is possible that the Romans sampled this ancient bra from the same civilization.
In his Annals, Tacitus tells the tale of a courageous lady who hanged herself with her own breast band or strophium. It happened under Nero’s reign, during the Conspiracy of Piso treason trials. She was unwilling to give in to torture and expose the identities of the conspirators. When compared to the other conspirators, Tacitus thought she was brave.
Function of the Strophium
A maid gives the woman a type of strophium which could be worn to help support the breasts. Classical attire, from an 1893 book.
Its primary function was to prevent sagging by providing support and containment for women’s breasts. Large breasts were viewed as either humorous or a sign of age or unattractiveness in Roman culture. Both girls and women wore restrictive breast bands to avoid this. Styles varied according to the intensity of the exercise. Even some graphic Roman art depicts prostitute women wearing this garment, which covers their breasts.
The Romans embraced the Greek ideal of male and female beauty. Large penises were seen as unattractive by most, except when they were worn as amulets to ward against jealousy. Catullus and other Roman authors referred to the breasts with the term “papillae” (nipples), which emphasized their minimalistic preference.
A woman with strophium (strophion).
Ovid also dreamed about his lover’s smaller breasts. Martial made fun of women with large breasts, and older women with “pendulous” breasts were stigmatized. Women who were meant to be humorously ugly in Roman plays often had enlarged breasts. Greek epigrams celebrated the female breast, while Roman authors paid little mind beyond including them as part of a woman’s attractiveness or shape.
Archeological Findings
Roman Sportswomen
Ancient Roman sportswomen in bikinis made of a strophium bra and a subligaculum panty. (File, CC BY-SA 2.5)
On the floor of the Hall of the Coronation of the Victorious at the Villa Romana del Casale in Sicily, a mosaic portraying female athletes in strophiums was discovered, dating back to the time of Diocletian (286–305 AD). In this 4th-century AD mosaic, Roman girls are playing sports in their bikinis, which is a combination of a strophium as a bra and a subligaculum as a panty. Women are seen in different athletic activities, including gymnastics, weightlifting, and running.
Venus
Venus in a bikini; subligaculum (lower) and strophium (upper). Marble statuette found in Pompeii. (Sailko, CC BY-SA 3.0)
The Casa della Venere, the tablinum of the House of Julia Felix, and the garden-atrium of the House of Loreius Tiburtinus all include strophiums depicting the goddess Venus in a bikini. In the above example, she is wearing a golden one.
Like the Greek Aphrodite, Venus was a goddess associated with love and beauty, and depicting her in a bikini made of a strophium bra tells us how similar our understanding of beauty in ancient times was compared to today.
References
Featured Image: Flickr, Paul Asman and Jill Lenob – CC BY 2.0
Ancient loincloth used as underwear, documented in Minoan culture.
Mentioned in relation to Jesus’ crucifixion, but not historically accurate.
Theological debates influenced its representation in Christian art over centuries.
The perizoma was a kind of loincloth used as underwear in antiquity. The word comes from Greek: περίζωμα which means around the waist. The Minoan culture of Crete is where its existence was first documented. The perizoma is also a reference to the fabric that covered Jesus on the crucifixion, also called the loincloth of purity.
Perizoma and the Crucifixion of Jesus
During Jesus’ crucifixion, the Roman soldiers probably stripped him down to his linen underwear. However, it’s not probable that they draped a loincloth over him out of regard for Jewish modesty. Flagellation, in which the victim is stripped completely naked, was the ultimate Roman humiliation.
Before the 8th century, the perizoma was not shown in art.
Francisco de Zurbarán, Crucifixion (1627).
The fourth-century Gospel of Nicodemus makes mention of this quality:
“Jesus left the praetorium accompanied by the two [impenitent] thieves. When they arrived, they stripped him of his clothes, put a cloth around him, and placed a crown of thorns on his head.”
Perizoma as an Heirloom
The fabled Descriptio recounts how the ruler of Constantinople allegedly presented Charlemagne with Passion relics upon his return from Jerusalem. The Holy Lance and the perizoma were also there, as were a nail and a piece of wood from the True Cross.
The virgin’s clothing and Jesus’ swaddling garments were both revered artifacts. The perizoma is the only relic now housed in Aachen Cathedral. Charles the Bald relocated the others in 876 to the royal abbey of Saint-Denis and the church of Saint-Corneille in Compiègne.
The perizoma may represent Christ’s girdle, length, and other characteristics, making it a useful tool for dating crucifixion art.
The Fate of the Naked Jesus Figures
To emphasize his vulnerability, early painters often showed Jesus without clothes on. A colobium (lengthy tunic) or subligaculum (an ancient Roman undergarment in a thin strip of cloth like a thong) is what Jesus was often shown wearing when he began to be represented in Rome in the 5th century. This was despite the fact that it was Roman custom to crucify people bare-naked.
Throughout the century, this almost-naked, crucified man image, which dates back to the Hellenistic era, faded from view in the 500s. In 593, Gregory of Tours wrote about a dream in which Christ came to a priest called Basil, condemning his nudity and threatening him with death if he did not cover it up. This dream is recounted in Glory of the Martyrs.
Perugino, Crucifixion in perizoma (c. 1482), Washington, National Gallery of Art.
A colobium became a common iconographic theme in Eastern places vulnerable to monophysite influence; therefore, it has become common to see Jesus wearing a long tunic in his newer depictions. Because of this religious ban, depictions of Christ in his naked, simplified form have become uncommon in Christian art since the 11th century.
The Rise of the Perizoma
The claim that two Roman soldiers wore Christ’s clothing as their own sparked discussion in the Middle Ages. As time went on, painters stopped using the colobium in favor of the perizoma, starting about the 8th century.
In the 11th century, the perizoma reached its peak, giving rise to a variety of drapery styles, some of which assumed striking proportions in Romanesque art. Perhaps this represented a popular myth at the time that Mary ripped off a portion of her robe to hide Jesus’ nakedness at the foot of the cross.
Around the end of the 13th century, the Italian artist Giotto painted a translucent perizoma. Perhaps he mirrored the famous religious artifact, the Virgin’s Veil of Mary. However, this may also be an allusion to Augustine of Hippo’s rejection of Christ’s potentia generandi (“sexual power”) since the translucent perizoma shows Jesus with a sexual trait. The perizoma reverted to its original opaque state in the 14th century.
A big cross in gilded wood with Jesus Christ crucified in a perizoma. (Rundvald, CC BY-SA 4.0)
The initial theological justification for the “ostentatio genitalium,” or display of Christ’s genitalia, was to emphasize his humanity. However, his nudity was banned during the Council of Trent and the Catholic Reformation; therefore, this movement met resistance. These two groups disapproved of the concept that religious art should once again emphasize beauty and the nakedness of classical antiquity.
Plaster or lead perizoma (used for censorship) was applied to his statues, while opaque and subsequently transparent perizoma (used for censorship of paintings) were also used for this purpose. As the linen got increasingly see-through, the sex of Christ on the crucifixion became less obvious. Like the virtuosic lightness of the linen, it was selected to subtly but powerfully imply that Christ lacked the virile quality or was only gifted with a little, boyish sex.
However, there were instances of Christ being completely unclothed in depictions of the Passion even during the Renaissance era, as seen in Michelangelo’s well-known youth crucifix. Nonetheless, all of these efforts were just austere devotion.
Perizoma in Art
Jesus in perizoma, Gospel of Rabbula, 6th century.
The perizoma is only shown in a select few Christian icons. These are the paintings depicting Christ’s death on the cross, The Deposition from the Cross and the Pietà.
Other artworks include an ivory relief from c. 420–430, depicting the crucifixion of Christ in a perizoma; Perugino’s “Crucifixion” from around 1482, housed at the Washington National Gallery of Art; Francisco de Zurbarán’s “Crucifixion” created in 1627, which can be found at the Art Institute of Chicago; and Cornelis Schut’s “Deposition” from approximately 1630, currently displayed at Liège’s Grand Curtius museum.
Ancient Mamertine Prison in Rome, dates back to 7th century BC.
Held prisoners, including Saints Peter and Paul, under harsh conditions.
Now part of two churches in Rome.
Mamertine Prison, which you can find in the center of Rome, Italy, has a long history that goes all the way back to the 7th century BC. It was first called the Tullianum, and it served as a prison, including a terrifying dungeon, right in the old heart of Rome, a place called the Comitium.
This old place sits on the side of a hill in the northeast part of town and looks out over some important old buildings from Roman times. Way back when, it was used as a fearsome place to lock up people who disagreed with the government, betrayed others, or even whole groups of people who were considered enemies of Rome.
An inscription on the wall of the Mamertine Prison to Vibius Rufinus, son of Caius (“VIBIVS CF RVFINVS”), and Marcus Cocceius Nerva, its restorers. (Photo, Anthony M. from Rome, Italy, CC BY 2.0)
Furthermore, it’s got a strong link to Christian history, with stories that it might have held highly revered saints like Peter and Paul when they were locked up in Rome.
In the dark rooms of the Mamertine Prison, many famous people were once held as prisoners. These included individuals like Vercingetorix and Jugurtha. This prison was known for its part in carrying out executions, which were often done in inhumane ways.
According to the Historian Sallust:
In the prison, when you have gone up a little way towards the left, there is a place called the Tullianum, about twelve feet below the surface of the ground. It is enclosed on all sides by walls, and above it is a chamber with a vaulted roof of stone. Neglect, darkness, and stench make it hideous and fearsome to behold.
When it comes to the prison’s name, one theory suggests that “Tullianum” might have something to do with ancient Roman kings named Tullus Hostilius or Servius Tullius. Another theory connects it to an old Latin word “tullius,” which brings to mind the image of water shooting out, maybe hinting at a cistern of some sort. On the other hand, the name “Mamertine” seems to come from medieval times and could be linked to a Temple of Mars Ultor that once stood where the prison is now.
The First Builder of Mamertine Prison
According to one theory, Ancus Marcius built this prison between 640 and 616 BC. However, historical evidence suggests that it was constructed about 386 BC, just before Rome was first conquered by the Gauls. This prison might have gotten its name because Servius Tullius decided to expand it. This has yet to be confirmed.
Architecture of Mamertine Prison
Rome, Mamertine Prison: the Tullianum, with well, altar and column. Image: Lalupa, CC BY-SA 3.0.
The prison consists of two primary chambers, one above the other. The lower chamber, known as the “Tullianum,” is the older of the two and is believed to have been the original cistern. It is a small, dimly lit space with a low, vaulted ceiling. In contrast, the upper chamber, added later, is slightly larger and has a more open feel. Both rooms are carved out of solid rock, which makes them durable and gives them a simple look.
The holge in the Mamertine Prison. Image: Public Domain.
The transition from a water storage facility to a prison was achieved by installing a wooden floor in the upper chamber and creating a raised platform. This upper chamber served as the actual prison, while the lower one, due to its isolation and inaccessibility, became a site for executions.
Conditions in Mamertine Prison
A tombstone in the Mamertina prison with the names of the illustrious prisoners who were imprisoned there in antiquity before being executed. Among them are King Aristobulus II, Vercingetorix, and Jugurtha. Image: Lalupa, CC BY-SA 3.0.
Inside Mamertine Prison, life was incredibly tough. It was a place where Roman laws and punishments were severe. One big problem there was that too many people were crammed into the prison. As Rome grew, even more people ended up locked up there.
The lower chamber of Mamertine Prison, known as the Tullianum, served as a site for executions. People who were sentenced to death had to deal with the terrifying possibility of either being choked or slowly dying of hunger in this underground chamber.
Notable Prisoners
Diagram of the Tullianum. The lower cell is the traditional one for those condemned to death. Image:
Throughout its history, Mamertine Prison housed a range of noteworthy individuals, some of whom played significant roles in Roman history.
Jugurtha
Mamertine Prison became well-known during the Jugurthine War (112–105 BC). This building was where the Romans imprisoned Jugurtha, the King of Numidia. Being locked up in that prison was a really important moment during the long and intense fight between Rome and Numidia.
Saints Peter (Peter the Apostle) and Paul (Paul the Apostle)
Perhaps the most famous historical event linked to Mamertine Prison is the imprisonment of Saints Peter and Paul. According to Christian tradition, both apostles were held here during the reign of Emperor Nero. Their time in Mamertine Prison was a pivotal moment in the early days of Christianity. The Catholic Church considers the prison to be a sacred location, and pilgrims go there.
Saint Peter and Saint Paul. (Photo, Dennis Jarvis, CC BY 2.0)
Vercingetorix: Leader of the Gauls during the Gallic Wars. Executed after Julius Caesar‘s triumph in 46 BC.
Simon bar Giora: During the First Jewish-Roman War, Simon bar Giora led a rebel faction against the Roman forces. Simon bar Giora was a Jewish military leader and one of the war’s key figures. But, in the year 70 AD, the Romans caught him, which marked the end of his fight against them.
Eumenes III (Aristonicus): In 129 BC, Roman forces clashed with Aristonicus’ army in the Battle of Thyatira. Despite putting up a strong resistance, Aristonicus was defeated and captured. He was subsequently taken to Rome as a prisoner.
Sejano: Lucius Aelius Sejanus, commonly known as Sejanus, was a prominent figure during the reign of Emperor Tiberius. In October 31 AD, Tiberius had Sejanus arrested and stripped of his powers. He was imprisoned in Mamertine Prison (Antiquity: Tullianum).
Adiatorix: After the Battle of Gergovia, Adiatorix and Vercingetorix’s forces faced increasing pressure from the Roman legions. Adiatorix decided to retreat, but he was eventually captured by Roman forces led by Julius Caesar.
Quintus Pleminius: Quintus Pleminius served as a Roman governor in Sicily during the Second Punic War. Pleminius was later transported to Rome and imprisoned, but he died before his trial concluded. The charge would have been a serious crime (perduellio), most likely to be brought before the centuriate assembly.
Herennius Siculus: Gracchan sympathizer. Herennius Siculus was a haruspex and a friend of Gaius Sempronius Gracchus. He was taken into custody after being linked to Gracchus. He was about to be incarcerated in the Tullianum. To prevent that, he made the decision to take his own life by bashing his head on the doorpost. You don’t need a better case than this one to understand the grim nature of Mamertine Prison.
Present Situation
The Mamertine Prison (below) and The Church of Saint Joseph of the Carpenters (above), also called San Giuseppe a Campo Vaccino. (Photo by Kent Wang, CC BY SA 2.0)
It is currently occupied by two overlapping churches: San Giuseppe dei Falegnami (above) and San Pietro in Carcere (below). The altar cross in the lower chapel is upside down since, according to tradition, St. Peter was crucified upside down.
A staircase leads to the lower chamber made of peperino blocks, circular, in the shape of a truncated dome, probably due to the construction of the basilica Porcia in 184 BC.
In 2009, it was subjected to excavation work that uncovered the frescoes of a church. Since 2010, it can be visited again.
The Mamertine Prison altar, featuring Saint Paul and Saint Peter.
Edward M. Peters, “Prison before the Prison: The Ancient and Medieval Worlds,” en The Oxford History of the Prison: The Practice of Punishment in West Society (Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 14.
“Protome” comes from Greek, meaning “front part” or “animal head.”
They are decorative sculptures depicting the front or top parts of objects.
Protomes are dating back to Neolithic times and have been found in various cultures.
A protome is a sculpture in art history that depicts the head and shoulders of an animal or person and is often paired with another item. It is a decorative feature that can be painted, sculpted, or engraved and was often utilized in ancient art. In architecture, it may be found on brackets, cornices, and pediments; in decorative arts, on utensils, containers, armor pieces, sculptures, ceramics, jewelry, coinage, furniture, etc.; and in literature, in the form of heads and busts of real or imagined characters.
Protome (προτομή) means “the bust or head of an animal” and comes from the Greek words (pro- “front, before”; tomos- “part”), which literally translate to “the front part.” The protémno lies at the origin of this word, which means “to carve, amputate, cut.” It originally referred to an animal bellows still attached to its head.
In the field of ethnology, a protome is an animal mask used during rituals (like African initiation rites) or as a badge of honor. It may be a small piece of an animal, such as a piece of fur, claws, or teeth.
What is a Protome?
The protome of an angel’s head, A Ballum church, pulpit (1600). (Photo, Wolfgang Sauber, CC BY-SA 3.0, enhanced from original).
Whether it’s an animal, a legendary creature, or a person, protomes are sculptures that show the front or top body of the object. Masks, heads (with or without necks), busts, and portraits all qualify as frontal or upper body parts. They were often attached to vessels, equipment, jewelry, sculptures, or structures as adornments (appliques; ornamental needlework).
The Greeks valued female deity heads as independent works of art and presented them as votive offerings. By definition, many things are protomes, and they frequently go by their own distinctive names.
Busts, herms, masks, mascarons, angel heads, portrait medallions, gargoyles, attachments, and acroteria all fit this description when they are artistically executed.
An aryballos protome in the shape of a woman’s head, Late Protocorinthian (c. 650–630 BC). From Thebes, Boeotia.
Why Did Humans Create Protomes?
Few comprehensive studies have been conducted on the evolution of protomes. However, Ancient Greek, Persian, Roman, and Phoenician buildings, sculptures, and crafts often included them for decorative purposes.
A 6th-century BC bovine protome from Persepolis. (Photo, Luis Argerich – Persian Column, CC BY 2.0).
There are three primary factors that led to the development of protomes:
Giving the object a character — The difficulty of depicting legendary and magical entities on corbels, cornices, and other architectural elements that lack distinct and recognized iconography gave birth to the protomes.
Creating a memory — Protomes have been used in art for historical and psychological reasons that are referred to as “the art of memory.” It was around this time that artists decided to solely show the faces of their subjects, whether human or animal. They thought that by emphasizing that, the viewers of the picture would be able to recall the whole animal or person. This method of creative expression attempted to communicate the importance of the topic by depicting just its head.
The animistic view — The third most important factor is religion, which is tied to animistic worldviews. Protomes were used in ancient times with the belief that the symbolic attributes of the entities they represented would be transferred to the places and things in which they were placed. To express more nuanced symbolic meanings, ancient protomes began to fuse together previously distinct beings (humans and animals) to form chimeras, or, more accurately, using mythical creatures (such as flying bulls and horses, centaurs, and birdmen) to demonstrate the cultural mixing that occurred in Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, and Greece.
Protomes Throughout History
The protome of an Egyptian pharaoh on a Warsaw University of Technology building. (Photo, Panek, CC BY-SA 4.0)
Despite the vast history of this ornament, art historians didn’t start using the word “protome” until the nineteenth century.
The Oldest Protome
The rams are the oldest example of protomes. Four rams’ heads etched on a sacrificial bowl from Neolithic Hungary’s Tisza culture in Szeged are the earliest protomes we have. Following these are a variety of Hittite workmanship items from the 15th to 13th centuries BC, and then a Minoan rhyton (a liquid container) with a bull’s head from the 16th or 14th century BC.
A wine horn with gazelle protome, Iran, Sasanian period, 4th century AD.
Throughout the Hellenistic period in ancient Greece, beginning in the 7th century BC, various protomes depicting both animal heads and human busts can be discovered on numismatic pieces such as coins and tokens.
Griffin, Snake, Lion, Bull, and More
Tripod bases for cauldrons were also adorned with protomes. Cauldrons from the 7th or 8th century BC were discovered at Olympia and Samos, and they were decorated with protomes of griffins and other animals. They might be inspired by bull protomes found on cauldrons from Urartu in the 8th century BC.
A feline protome on an Etruscan cauldron, Etruscan Museum in the Vatican.
Cauldrons depicting snake protomes (Bernardini Tomb in Palestrina) and panther protomes (Regolini-Galassi Tomb in Cerveteri) have been unearthed in graves dating back to the 7th century BC in Etruria, central Italy.
For instance, the Phoenician settlement of Alcacer do Sal in Portugal has yielded bronze artifacts depicting protomes of felines, perhaps panthers. These likely served a spiritual purpose.
A carved head protome in a church in Ireland. (Photo, Andreas F. Borchert, CC BY-SA 3.0 DE, cropped from original)
Protomes in the Ancient East
Protomes depicting bulls, lions, and griffins were discovered on jewelry, utensils, containers, and architectural large capitals in excavations at Susa and Persepolis dating back to the Achaemenid dynasty. A rhyton with a goat’s head is also housed at the Reza Abbasi Museum.
A lebes cauldron with griffin protomes from Arcadia on Crete. (Photo, Olaf Tausch, CC BY 3.0, edited from original)
Meanwhile, Rudbar, in the northern Iranian province of Gilan, produced a decorated spherical clay vase from 900 BC with bovine protomes that can be seen now in the Iranian National Museum in Tehran.
The vast hall in which the Persian monarch entertained as many as 10,000 guests at Persepolis (about 521-465 BC) was decorated with a series of Persian columns topped with bull protomes.
Protomes at Darius I’s palace in Susa featured a variety of animal heads (gazelles, bulls, griffins, etc.) in order to impress and scare visitors. The ceiling was supported by protomes, which also had a symbolic and structural purpose by symbolizing authority and the harmony of the cosmos.
On the acroterion (an architectural ornament) of Persian cruise ships and Phoenician fishing boats (“hippoi” or horses) that sailed the Mediterranean, there was a customary practice of depicting a protome featuring the bust of a horse on the ship’s bow.
Some gladiator helmets were also discovered to have the protome. It was usually placed at the face of the crest and included a variety of emblems.
The griffin protome was one of the most prevalent ones on gladiator helmets. The gods of vengeance were believed to travel with this creature in ancient times. The Hoplomachus gladiator is a popular example.
Hoplomachus gladiators often wore a helmet that featured the protome of a griffin’s head.
As shown on a Roman gladiator helmet from the 9th to the 12th century AD, the lion protome was a common decoration on several gladiator helmets.
Just as importantly, the Murmillo gladiators often fought in the arena with a fish protome on their helmets, and their fierce opponent, the Retiarius, was called a “fisherman” who fought with a fishing net.
The Atacama Skeleton was found in the Atacama Desert of Chile in 2003. The local people refer to him as the humanoid of Atacama, or just Ata. Its skull is shaped like “extraterrestrial” imagery, and it is only 6 inches in length (15 cm). It was conclusively determined to be human by genetic testing conducted at Stanford University at the year’s conclusion in 2012. Genomic testing performed in 2018 confirmed that the mummy belonged to a stillborn or preterm female infant, affected by abnormalities and early skeletal development.
This is similar to the case of Alyoshenka, an alien-like being amidst Russian desolation.
Finding of the Atacama Skeleton
Local Chilean newspaper La Estrella de Arica reported that on October 19, 2003, a man called Oscar Muñoz discovered the Atacama Skeleton while digging for artifacts in the desert village of La Noria in the Atacama region, a ghost town near Iquique, Chile.
About six inches in length, Muñoz found “a strange skeleton the size of a pen” outside an abandoned chapel. It was wrapped in white fabric and tied with a purple ribbon. It was a toothy beast with a peculiar bump on top of its dome-shaped skull—a sign of a cloverleaf skull symptom.
Its skin was black and scaly. She was built differently than the average person, with just 10 sets of ribs instead of 12. The Atacama Desert is one of the world’s driest places to visit, along with the Antarctic Plateau. The quantity of salt in it is excessive. It’s possible that this is what made mummification and subsequent preservation possible for the Atacama Skeleton.
Muñoz presented the skeleton to a colleague of his named Alejandro Davalos, who took the first photograph of it. Ufology group AION received the images taken by Davalos. After returning to Iquique a few days later, Muñoz sold the skeleton to a businessman, who is a long-time customer of his, for the low, low price of 30,000 Chilean pesos (about $60 USD).
The northern agent for AION, Mario Pizarro, claimed that the Atacama Skeleton may be resold for 80 million Chilean pesos ($160,000). Meanwhile, the skeleton’s new owner wants 500,000 Chilean pesos ($550) for one picture and 750,000 ($850) for two.
Identifying the Atacama Skeleton
The case quickly gained attention on Chilean television. The Chilevisión channel, which conducted extensive research into the Atacama Skeleton, traveled to the area with a group of ufologists and paranormal investigators.
The idea that this “thing” could be an alien was completely off the table for some investigators. For instance, a marine biologist from a Chilean university already confirmed the thing to be an aborted human pregnancy, solely by examining the images of the creature.
The American immunologist Garry P. Nolan published a data set in March 2018 that suggested the person also had mutations in genes related to dwarfism, scoliosis, and musculoskeletal anomalies in addition to an uncommon bone aging condition.
There have never been reports of detecting so many mutations that especially impair skeletal development, yet researchers have found 64 unique mutations in 7 genes relevant to the skeletal system. The Atacama Skeleton’s ancestry was even traced back to the Chilean island of Chiloé.
Examining the Atacama Skeleton
The Atacama Skeleton was allegedly determined to be a fetus in an x-ray scan conducted by Doctor Pilar Manchón of a radiology center in Barcelona. Since this radiologist has never verified these claims or published them, they are still unsubstantiated.
The University of the Basque Country conducted research on the object, and their findings indicated that it was really a mummified fetus. Prof. of forensic medicine at the University of the Basque Country, Dr. Francisco Paco Etxeberria worked with an anthropology expert from the University of Madrid.
Overall, the proportions of the anatomical structure, the degree of development of each bone, and its macroscopic arrangement led the experts to believe that the Atacama Skeleton is a mummified human fetus of about fifteen weeks of age.
The existence of the Ata life form in the Atacama Desert was disclosed in a documentary based on the research of American ufologist Steven M. Greer on April 22, 2013. UFOs were the focus of this documentary.
Dr. Steven Greer leads a “disclosure” campaign whose goal is to force the American government to disclose all of its findings on alien life. Ata was the focal point of this film. He calls it the Disclosure Project.
The picture of the “alien” has been all over the front pages of the media ever since the trailers for the documentary were released online. However, many believers in the paranormal were let down by the documentary since the results of the scientific analyses ran counter to what ufologists had hoped to find: the Atacama Skeleton’s DNA was absolutely human.
The analyses seen in the video were conducted in the autumn of 2012 by Garry Nolan, the head of the stem cell department at the Stanford University School of Medicine in California. He estimated that the Atacama Skeleton died at the turn of the last century.
Exams using an X-ray scanner were performed in Barcelona, Spain, at the end of September 2012. After that, DNA samples were taken for analysis at Stanford. The quality of the DNA samples acquired by dissecting the tips of the two front ribs on the right side of the skeleton was high. Chest organs, lungs, and what looks to be heart tissue could all be seen in the image. The specimen was unquestionably genuine; it was definitely not a scam or fakery.
Sequences found through DNA analysis of the Atacama Skeleton are more closely related to humans than to chimpanzees, confirming the organism’s human identity. Since Ata carries the B2 haplotype, which is prevalent among the indigenous people of this part of Chile, Nolan was able to infer that her mother may have been an indigenous Chilean thanks to mitochondria—DNA transmitted only from the mother.
The Features of Ata
Results from Gary Nolan’s analyses originally cast doubt on the existence of a fetus. When she passed away, the Atacama Skeleton would have been between the ages of six and eight. She would have been able to take in oxygen, digest food, and use energy like every human.
Nolan concluded that Ata was either suffering from a rare form of dwarfism and that her supposed age at death was indeed that of a child, or that she died during her mother’s pregnancy or shortly after a premature birth due to a disease causing her to age prematurely, namely progeria.
This theory is based on the analyses and findings of Ralph Lachman, co-founder and co-director of the Skeletal Dysplasia Registry at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center.
Swedish journalist Florencia Rovira Torres interviewed Gary Nolan three weeks after the program aired. The data shown in the research had contradicted what was presented in the documentary.
The documentary’s creators had really requested that Nolan provide evidence supporting the theory that the creature was alien. The rest of the analyses also weren’t finished during principal filming. Nolan claimed that he decided to appear in the documentary since he had a strong belief in UFOs. He had also valued the efforts of producers who supported his ongoing study.
The DNA sample was collected from Ata’s owner, who lived in Spain. Without an export license, it was illegal to remove the corpse from Spain.
The DNA analysis process is still carried on. They’re still meeting with the same group of 10 individuals from different institutions and businesses all across the globe. However, it is now known for sure that the Atacama Skeleton was indeed human.
Like every human, the examination uncovered a few mutations, but none of them were sufficient to account for the body’s peculiarities. Therefore, her alien-like body shape may have originated from the interplay of many different genes.
Ata’s body age was estimated by analyzing the ratio of cytosine to uracil in its DNA. The greater the proportion of uracil in a DNA sample, the older the sample is. This means that the Atacama Skeleton likely died about 100 years ago.
The Atacama Skeleton is Not That Rare
Deformed Skulls
Skulls of deformed children that seemed “alien-like” were found in a cemetery in Mexico that dates back a thousand years. Scientists who analyzed the skulls came to the conclusion that the distortions were intentional and provided evidence for the widespread use of skull deformation during that period in Central America.
Seventeen of the bodies buried ranged in age from less than five months to more than sixteen years. The high mortality rate among youngsters was attributable to the fact that their brains were crushed by the abnormal shape of their skulls. On the other hand, no outward symptoms of disease were seen in the children.
Atta Boy by Robert Ripley
Neal Thompson published a biography of Robert Ripley called “Curious Man: The Strange and Brilliant Life of Robert “Believe It or Not!” Ripley” on May 7, 2013. This biography explores the fascinating life of Robert Ripley, someone who was drawn to the extraordinary.
Within its pages, there exists a photograph from 1933 portraying Ripley holding a humanoid artifact bearing a resemblance to the Atacama Skeleton, accompanied by an inscription that reads:
ATTA BOY – 6 1/2 inches tall, reduced & mummified human figure, Jivaro — Peru.
Interestingly, the author did not shed light on how Ripley came into possession of this specimen or the creature’s backstory. In Ripley’s eyes, Atta Boy was no extraterrestrial being but rather a bona fide mummified human.
He remained uncertain whether it was a shrunken human, akin to the Jivaro shrunken heads, or perhaps a fetal entity. However, as the years progressed, “Atta Boy” vanished from public view.
Edward Meyer, the vice president of Ripley’s Believe It or Not! exhibition, leans toward the fetal theory, remarking, “I’ve seen genuine shrunken bodies, and Atta is markedly different (…) Personally, I am inclined to believe that Atta Boy is more likely a Bolivian mummy than a shrunken Jivaro body.“
Nonetheless, in the absence of evidence or formal studies, it remains unfeasible to formulate any hypothesis based on a photograph and anecdotal accounts.
Dr. Struve’s Shrunken Corpses
Edward Meyer claims to have seen shrunken corpses in the past. These are the results of the work of Doctor Gustaye Struve, a Peruvian physician who, at the turn of the twentieth century, learned the methods of head reduction from the Jivaros.
To make ends meet during times of widespread malaria and yellow fever, this doctor decided to put these methods to use in the reduction of whole human bodies. Tourists bought the corpses from him, thinking they were Jivaro mummies. From 1920 through 1990, the Museum of Indian Arts in New York was duped into displaying these remains.
While Edward Meyer acknowledged that Dr. Struve’s creations were fascinating, he acknowledged that Ata was not like them since Ata was not a shrunken body.
Shrunken Human Corpses in China
In 1994, journalist Caroline Alexander looked into the phenomenon of shrunken bodies. There were rumors about shrunken corpses in China, but she could never find any evidence of them. In light of the recent “alien reveal” by the Mexican government, the Atacama Skeleton was a worthy topic to look into.
The oni (鬼) stands as a prominent yokai (“strange apparition”) in Japanese folklore and local belief systems. Within the Japanese language, “oni” not only signifies a formidable supernatural entity but also serves as a prefix conveying connotations such as “potent,” “malevolent,” “terrifying,” “enormous,” and “awe-inspiring.” Therefore, it is not fully the Japanese equivalent of “demon.” In modern portrayals, oni are often characterized by two or sometimes a single horn adorning their heads, trimmed hair, jagged teeth, razor-sharp claws, and clothing composed of tiger pelts or fabric loincloths. Typically, they are depicted as imposing, brawny figures brandishing spiked clubs known as the kanabo.
The skin tone of oni may span a spectrum of colors, including blue, red, green, yellow, and black, earning them titles like blue oni, red oni, green oni, yellow oni, or black oni. These colors find their origins in the combination of the Five Elements Theory and the Five Hindrances: blue corresponds to wood + anger, red to fire + greed, yellow to earth + desire, green to gold + sleep, and black to water + doubt. The original color linked to the element gold was white; it shifted to green in conjunction with the Five Hindrances Theory.
The conventional perception of oni often depicts them as wardens in the underworld, administering punishment to the departed under the jurisdiction of the King of Hell, Enma. At times, oni acquire suffixes such as “doji.” A well-known example is the Oeyama oni, also known as “shuten doji” (a mythical oni or demon leader of Japan).
Even in contemporary Japan, the oni legends endure, recounting tales of mountains and hilly terrain where oni were once believed to dwell.
Although “oni” is frequently synonymous with “malevolent” or “frightening,” instances arise where oni are venerated as guardians or divine beings. For instance, in Hōki Town, Tottori Prefecture, oni were revered as protectors of the community, while on Iwakiyama in Aomori Prefecture, oni are enshrined as deities in gratitude for their benevolent deeds. Across various regions of Japan, oni are regarded with positive sentiment and reverence, alongside their role in repelling malevolence during events such as Setsubun.
Fujiwara no chino, surrounded by his oni followers. c. 1872 drawing.
Conversely, in the realm of medieval Noh theater in Japan, oni are frequently portrayed as vengeful spirits or denizens of the netherworld. In traditional folk narratives, oni often assume the role of antagonists who eventually face retribution. The prevalent contemporary perception of oni as villains can be traced back to these narratives.
Therefore, Japanese oni embody a spectrum of appearances and attributes, spanning from “malevolent” to “virtuous” and “divine,” creating variable portrayals. Nonetheless, they consistently share characteristics denoting “fearsomeness,” “potency,” and “superhuman” qualities.
Diverse Interpretations of Oni
Japanese gong held by Oni, early 19th century.
The oni are classified into five distinct categories:
Folkloric oni, connected to ancestral and land spirits.
Mountain religious oni, encompassing yama-no-kami (mountain deities) and yamabushi (mountain ascetics), like the tengu.
Buddhist oni, which include malevolent spirits like yaksha and rakshasa.
Human-like oni, symbolic of thieves and malevolent individuals.
Oni with transformation narratives, those transforming into oni due to grudges and anger.
Originally, the Chinese character “鬼” (oni) denoted “the soul of the deceased.” For instance, “餓鬼” (gaki) referred to the hungry souls of the deceased, while “鬼哭” (kikoku) represented the lamentations of these souls. In contemporary Japanese, “オニ” (oni) occasionally refers back to its original meaning as “the soul of the deceased.” Abroad, death is sometimes expressed as “becoming a foreign oni” or “becoming an otherworldly oni.”
The concept of oni was initially imported from China, where it referred to the spirits of the departed, and it arrived in Japan during the latter half of the 6th century. It coexisted with Japan’s indigenous notion of “oni,” signifying ancestral and land spirits. These oni were often depicted with a single eye, sometimes associated with the mark of a one-eyed deity or viewed as representations of mountain deities.
Oni statue in Oniyama Jigoku. (Photo by Snake Head 1995, CC BY)
In this context, the one-eyed oni more closely resembled ethnic gods than the spirits of the deceased. Furthermore, the “Kami” or “Mono” mentioned in the “Nihon Shoki” as “wicked gods” were also conceptualized as oni, representing enigmatic beings. The image of “fearsome man-eating oni” in folktales evolved from these “Kami” and “Mono,” influenced by Buddhist protectors, monsters, and supernatural creatures. This mirrored the anxieties and fears of the Heian-era Japanese populace.
The oni are seen as supernatural beings that disrupt our regular existence. The diverse portrayals of oni arise from the varied depictions of otherworldly beings, which are influenced by society and the era.
Those who defied the court, violated the law, or resided in the otherworldly mountains, such as blacksmiths, were labeled as oni. The concept of oni expanded boundlessly, encompassing people’s grievances, the rakshasa of hell, yaksha, and mountain monsters, as they were likened to the fantasy realm of the otherworld.
Many oni in tales spanning from the Heian period to the Middle Ages are portrayed as embodiments of vengeful spirits—terrifying creatures that feast on human flesh. In the northwest of Kyoto, there existed a notorious oni leader known as “Shuten-doji,” who ruled over a gang of oni, including Ibaraki-doji.
Shuten-doji was described as having fiery red hair, horns, a thick beard, intertwined hair, and bear-like limbs, and he regularly indulged in consuming the flesh of young women abducted from Kyoto. In Ise Monogatari (The Tales of Ise), there is an account of an oni devouring a woman in a single gulp while sneaking away with a woman at night.
This tale gave rise to the term “oni-ippuku” (or onihitokuchi, literally “oni bite”), signifying an extremely dangerous situation as well as handling things swiftly with ease.
The Japanese people interpreted this as a phenomenon where “otherworldly entities manifest in this realm” during times of societal upheaval, such as wars, disasters, and famine, where a person’s body vanishes due to the intrusion of oni into our world.
Oni are often depicted as visitors from another dimension or as demonic entities that abduct people to the other side, and occasionally, they bestow blessings, as evidenced in folktales like “Issun-boshi” and “Lump-Removing Old Man’s Oni,” (Kobutori Jiisan). Mt. Oeyama’s renown as a place linked to the otherworld stems from it being considered a mountain relative to the capital city, giving rise to numerous oni legends in regions bordering these mystical peaks.
A giant oni statue in Noboribetsu Onsen, Japan. (Photo by Savannah Rivka, CC BY-SA 4.0).
During the Heian era, there existed no clear distinction among various beings associated with the notion of “oni.” These encompassed entities from Buddhist scriptures, such as demons, mononoke, and various spirits depicted as oni, as well as oni appearing as deities of disease.
These oni were often characterized by shared traits including a bulky physique, a singular eye, a gaping maw, horns, a scarlet loincloth, and hands and feet with three digits. These characteristics were significantly shaped by the imagery of demons described in Buddhist texts. In the case of mononoke, diverse visual inspirations from texts like “Shanhaijing” existed, but they all shared the theme of evoking fear in the people of that era.
When tracing the evolution of the oni’s form, early oni were consistently depicted in female forms, denoting vengeful spirits in stories such as “The Tale of Genji.” Nonetheless, as exemplified in the tale of Ichiijo Modoribashi by Watanabe Tsuna, they initially took on female forms.
Etymology of Oni
The term “oni” is believed to have its origins in the word “onu” (隠), originally signifying something concealed or transcendent.
In antiquity, it was pronounced “mono” before evolving into “oni.” The “Fussoku Ishi Uta” from the Nara period records “four snakes (hemi), five mono,” while “The Tale of Genji” mentions “feeling threatened by mono.” These “mono” were spirits imbued with malice and grudges, carrying a malevolent connotation (not just mere apparitions but entities that brought curses).
Human-Oni Relationships
Oni mask or kabuki mask for Noh theater. (Photo by Tommaso Meli, CC BY 2.0).
While accounts exist of oni assuming human guises to harm individuals, there are also narratives of humans metamorphosing into oni due to feelings of animosity or envy. Instances of this can be found in Noh plays like “Kannawa” and “Momijigari,” telling the tales of women transforming into oni due to jealousy. The “Hannya mask” serves as a classic representation of this transformation.
In “Ryojin Hisho” (compiled during the late Heian period), there’s a poem describing a woman’s curse transforming someone into an oni sporting three horns. This suggests that by the close of the 12th century, the concept of cursing someone into becoming an oni with horns had taken root. This differs from cases where individuals willingly embrace the oni persona, as it entails an attempt to transform someone else.
Oni such as Maegi (前鬼) and Uragi (後鬼), who serve the ascetic En no Gyoja in the Shugendo tradition, have descendants who are humans and have founded the village of Maegi (present-day Shimokitayama Village).
Analogous examples can be found in Buddhism, like the legends of Yase Village in Mount Hiei, where the forebears claim lineage from oni who served the renowned Buddhist teacher Dengyo Daishi (Saicho). These figures are not always inherently malevolent, and their transformation into oni is perceived as a result of their embrace of Buddhism.
As an exceptional illustration, a tale in “Konjaku Monogatarisu” (Tales of Times Now Past) Volume 20, Story 7, narrates a close relationship that flourished between a holy person from Yamato Province and a supernatural being. This holy individual, originally from Shinano Province, aided in exorcising the supernatural entity, and they grew close. Later in the narrative, following the survival of an assassination attempt and a fall from a cliff, the holy person confesses to having forsaken their path of sanctity and becoming an “oni of love.”
The depiction of this oni entails nudity, a bald head, a height of eight feet, obsidian-colored skin, metallic-bowl-like eyes, a gaping maw with sharp teeth and fangs, and a crimson loincloth adorned with a mallet at the waist.
While not a menacing presence like a marauder, they are perceived as an oni (or possibly a tengu) at the imperial court, and the holy individual themselves acknowledges their transformation into an oni of love. Their association with Fujiwara no Akiko endured until her passing.
Buddhistic Oni
Within Buddhism, a belief emerges that those consumed by greed in their mortal existence plummet into the place of famished oni (“preta” or hungry ghost) upon their demise, metamorphosing into ravenous specters (as depicted in the story “Jikininki” or human-eating ghosts).
In the infernal dominion, oni are purportedly relegated to subservient roles under Yama, the sovereign of the netherworld.
Amongst folk rituals, ancestral spirits occasionally take on the visage of oni, and ceremonies are convened to beckon these infernal entities in various locales during Obon (Bon) and the New Year festivities (such as the Shujo Onie festival in the Kunisaki Peninsula and the Hanamatsuri festival (Shimotsuki Kagura) in Mikawa Province).
Chinese Oni
In the context of China, the term “oni” (pinyin: gui) alludes to departed spirits, akin to the term “yūrei” or ghost in Japan. In the Chinese language, it is regarded as impolite to directly address something as an “oni,” so a roundabout reference is used. This notion has exerted an influence on Japan, where expressions like “entering the realm of oni” are employed to denote death.
In China, the word oni also signifies spirits appearing as humans, often as the ethereal form of young women. These apparitions adopt human form and are often depicted as attractive, longing for emotional connections with the living. Japan also saw instances where educated Heian aristocrats employed the term oni to refer to spirits.
The “Kibi Daijin Nittō Emaki” (Scroll of Minister Kibi’s Adventures in China) from the end of the 12th century portrays the narrative of Abe no Nakamaro, who perished in Tang China, adopting the form of an oni to express concern for his family. In this portrayal, he materializes as an oni in a scarlet loincloth, bare-bodied, sporting a horn on his head, erect hair, red skin, a gargantuan mouth adorned with serrated teeth, and three digits on each extremity. When Nakamaro is rebuffed for his inhuman appearance, he returns subsequently in proper attire, yet his red skin and three fingers remain unconcealed.
In the Chinese context, oni does not exclusively pertain to departed spirits but encompasses otherworldly entities and monsters in a more general sense. According to Shigeki Kaizuka, the character “鬼” is an amalgamation of “由” and “人,” symbolizing an individual (人) adorned with an extensive mask (由) veiling their face, emblematic of the shamanistic practice of spirit possession, in which shamans would use masks symbolizing spirits.
The Soft Spots of Oni
It is said that oni have certain dislikes. Oni are known to dislike strong odors and the abundant smoke and smell produced when grilling sardines. Oni also fear getting their eyes pricked by the thorns of holly leaves. Therefore, during the festival of Setsubun, there is a custom of driving away oni who try to enter from the boundary between seasons by decorating the entrance with holly branches and sardines, and this protective custom is called “Hiiragi Iwashi” (Holly and Sardine Head).
Origin of Oni
Smithing
The theory posits that blacksmiths served as the inspiration for Oni. Blacksmiths were individuals immersed in metallurgical endeavors, encompassing activities such as mining, metal refinement, and the fabrication of metal goods.
Within this conjecture, there is a substantial overlap between regions in Japan housing Oni legends and areas steeped in mining, wherein Oni are often depicted as blacksmiths. Therefore, Oni might have been rooted in blacksmithing. Although met with initial resistance and skepticism, this theory garnered increasing scholarly support.
Ezo
In the northeastern reaches of Japan, where Sakanoue no Tamuramaro conducted military campaigns against the indigenous Ezo people, numerous legends, including the Sakanoue no Tamuramaro legend, assert his triumph over Oni with divine protection. A legend even posits that the Ezo chieftain Ootakemaru (“Demon king of Suzuka Mountain”) was an Oni.
Foreigner
The “Danka Fuzhi,” composed during the Edo period, advances a hypothesis proposing that Oni may have been foreign pirates who made landfall in Japan. During the Meiji era, a prevailing belief arose suggesting that Oni were of Russian descent. This notion was influenced by the anti-Russian sentiment of the era, stemming from events such as the Three Nations Intervention and the Russo-Japanese War. Furthermore, the presence of a naval base in Maizuru near Mount Oeyama, where Oni legends proliferated, contributed to this hypothesis.
The Year of the Five Emperors refers to the year 193 during which five individuals claimed the throne after the death of Commodus on December 31, 192: Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger, Clodius Albinus, and Septimius Severus.
This rapid succession of emperors begins with the assassination of Commodus on December 31, 192. Subsequently, Pertinax was selected by the Roman Senate and officially declared emperor on January 1, 193. Eager to implement reforms, the emperor encounters opposition from the Praetorian Guard and loses his life in a clash with the rebels after reigning for merely three months. His position is then assumed by Didius Julianus, who secures the throne solely through favors to the Praetorian Guard; however, he is toppled and executed on June 1st by Septimius Severus.
Septimius Severus’s Senate-appointed status as “caesar” triggers the resentment of Pescennius Niger, who proclaims himself as the emperor, sparking a civil war between Niger and Severus that engulfs the entire empire. In response, Severus forms an alliance with Clodius Albinus by designating him as “caesar,” directing their efforts against Niger. This conflict between the two contenders endures until 197. Eventually, Septimius Severus emerges victorious over both Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus, founding the Severan dynasty, which governs until 235, coinciding with the onset of the Crisis of the Third Century.
Year of the Five Emperors: Historical Background
The assassination of Emperor Commodus (reigned from 180 to 192) on December 31, 192, signifies the conclusion of the Antonine dynasty. It’s worth noting that the term “dynasty” is imprecise in this context. While Antoninus Pius wasn’t the dynasty’s inaugural emperor, the selection of emperors, apart from Commodus, was typically conducted through adoption, a customary practice within Rome’s upper echelons. A notable instance is Julius Caesar’s adoption of Octavian, who later became Emperor Augustus and himself adopted his successor, Tiberius.
The dynasty’s pioneer emperor, Nerva (reigned from 96 to 98), adopted a greatly respected military figure, Trajan (reigned from 98 to 117). Subsequently, Trajan, on his deathbed, adopted Hadrian (reigned from 117 to 138). Notably, Hadrian, who had no biological offspring, adopted Antoninus, a skilled governor from the province of Asia with a reputation for wise governance. Antoninus, in turn, agreed to adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. The reign of Antoninus (reigned from 138 to 161) was distinguished by external and internal tranquility. He shared authority with the Senate and meticulously adhered to Roman traditions, leading the dynasty to be named after him.
Following his passing, his two adopted sons jointly ruled as emperors until Lucius Verus’ death in 169. Marcus Aurelius (reigned from 161 to 180) then became the sole emperor, but his reign marked the end of the peaceful era. He grappled with various conflicts against the Persians in the East and the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatian Iazyges in the West. He was the first of the dynasty to pass the throne to his biological son, Commodus (r. 180–192).
The first five emperors of the dynasty (Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius) were termed the “Five Good Emperors” by Machiavelli in his “Discourses on Livy,” a praise echoed by Edward Gibbon in his “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire”:
The vast extent of the Roman empire was governed by absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom.
Nonetheless, the era of tranquility under their governance and the elevated principles characterizing their rule scarcely masked the dwindling economic activity and stagnant transportation, which triggered an economic, financial, and monetary crisis during Marcus Aurelius’ reign. The decline in municipal life, benefactions, supply shortages, and societal issues made this worse.
As the period neared its conclusion, conflicts on the Danubian frontier allowed the military to amplify its influence. Leaders from the equestrian class, rather than the senatorial class, increasingly saw the Roman Senate as remote and detached from their concerns. The uprising of Avidius Cassius, a usurper, in 175 upon learning of Marcus Aurelius’ death marked the outset of an era where the armies, particularly those in the East, sought to assert their leaders’ authority over the empire.
Pertinax
Publius Helvius Pertinax was born on August 1, 126, as documented in the Historia Augusta, in Alba Pompeia, located in Italy. He wasa born into a humble family. Through influential connections, he gained entry into the military, where he advanced in rank to become a cohort officer. He notably distinguished himself during the Roman-Parthian War from 161 to 166, which resulted in his rapid promotion to the esteemed role of procurator overseeing the province of Dacia.
Following a temporary hiatus during Marcus Aurelius’s reign, he was summoned back to duty to aid General Claudius Pompeianus in navigating the Marcomannic Wars. In the year 175, he attained the position of suffect consul in partnership with Didius Julianus and accompanied Marcus Aurelius on a journey to the Eastern regions. Subsequently, he capably governed the territories of Upper and Lower Moesia, Dacia, and Syria, culminating with his service in Britain.
Following Emperor Pertinax’s assassination by the Praetorian Guard in 193 AD, a power struggle and succession crisis were the main causes of the Year of the Five Emperors.
His final posting was as proconsul (188–189) in Africa prior to achieving the esteemed role of prefect of Rome, during which he was appointed as consul alongside Emperor Commodus.
In conjunction with Commodus’s mistress Martia and his chamberlain Eclectus, Praetorian Prefect Quintus Aemilius Laetus orchestrated a plot while serving as Rome’s Prefect to put an end to the emperor’s erratic behavior. Pertinax was led to the Praetorian Guard at the same time, where the Senate later approved his decision to hail him as the emperor after he promised a monetary reward.
Throughout his brief 87-day rule, Pertinax set forth a series of reforms aimed at reinstating an environment of liberty (rehabilitating citizens exiled during Commodus’s era) and economic stability (liquidating Commodus’s assets, reforming the denarius currency), which enabled him to fulfill half of the pledged monetary incentive. However, circumstances took a negative turn when he endeavored to restore discipline among the Praetorians, in line with his strict reputation. Early in March, while Pertinax was in Ostia inspecting grain shipments, the consul Quintus Sosius Falco orchestrated a preliminary attempt to overthrow him.
On the 28th of the same month, a contingent of Praetorians ranging from two hundred (according to Cassius Dio) to three hundred (Historia Augusta) stormed the imperial palace. In an effort to quell the situation, the emperor dispatched Prefect Laetius to mediate with them. Regrettably, Laetius chose to align himself with the mutineers, rendering the endeavor fruitless. Consequently, the emperor was assassinated and decapitated, with his severed head paraded to the Praetorian camp, sparking significant public outrage.
Didius Julianus
Marcus Didius Severus Julianus was born on January 29th, in the year 133 according to Cassius Dio, and 137 according to the Historia Augusta, into a wealthy family in Mediolanum (modern-day Milan). It’s possible that his parents passed away when he was quite young, as he was brought up in the household of Domitia Lucilla, who happened to be the mother of Marcus Aurelius. This connection to Lucilla paved the way for an early start to his political and military career, as these two spheres were often closely linked during that period.
Ascending to the position of quaestor before reaching the legal age, he progressively assumed roles as an aedile, praetor, and the legate of a proconsul in Africa and Achaea. Subsequently, he was appointed as the legate of the XXII Primigenia Legion stationed in Germania. In the year 170, he was dispatched to Belgium as a propraetor, where he spent five years effectively combating the Chauci and Chatti tribes. His successes culminated in his elevation to the rank of consul and his appointment as the governor of Dalmatia and Lower Germania.
After the assassination of Pertinax, the Praetorian Guard auctioned off the position of emperor to the highest bidder, which led to Didius Julianus acquiring the title. However, his rule was short-lived.
However, his upward trajectory experienced an interruption, and he was summoned back to Rome to fulfill the role of “commissioner of provisions,” which involved the distribution of food to the less privileged. Some people think that Emperor Commodus’ worry about Julianus accumulating too much power was what led to this demotion. In fact, Didius Julianus was accused of conspiring against the emperor. However, not only did the jury declare him innocent, but it also punished his accusers.
Following his rehabilitation, he remained away from Rome. He was designated as the governor of Bithynia and subsequently, in the years 189 to 190, assumed the position of proconsul in Africa, succeeding Pertinax.
The assassination of Pertinax at the hands of members of the Praetorian Guard did not garner unanimous support within the guard itself. Views diverged regarding the selection of a successor. On that very day, the empire was essentially put up for sale: Sulpicianus, Didius Julianus’ father-in-law and the prefect of Rome at the time, offered each soldier 5,000 drachmas. However, Julianus managed to outbid him by proposing 6,250 drachmas. With their decision reached, the Praetorians led Julianus to the Senate, which had little choice but to validate the Praetorians’ determination.
However, the populace was not easily swayed. Julianus’ appointment was met with mockery in Rome and consternation in the provinces. Swiftly, three generals rebelled: Clodius Albinus in Britannia, Pescennius Niger in Syria, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia. The latter two rejected Julianus’ authority and declared themselves emperors. Septimius Severus, whose forces were in closest proximity to Rome, promptly advanced toward the city. Despite Julianus’ efforts, Severus seized the port and fleet of Ravenna. Julianus then proposed a power-sharing arrangement, but his proposal was futile. The ephemeral emperor soon found himself abandoned by all, including the Praetorian Guard that had initially championed him. On June 1st, 193, the Senate dethroned Julianus from his position and replaced him with Septimius Severus. The subsequent day saw Julianus sentenced to death, and a soldier assassinated him while he was in his bath. His reign lasted just slightly over two months.
Pescennius Niger
Born into an ancient family of the equestrian order around 135, Pescennius Niger is the first in his family to enter the senatorial order.
His military journey commences in 155 as a centurion primipile before ascending to the role of tribune. Around 172, he assumes the position of praefectus castrorum in Egypt, followed by the appointment as procurator ducenarius in Rome or Syria between 175-180, and subsequently as a legate in Dacia from 180-183. In 188, jointly with Septimius Severus, he partakes in quelling Maternus, whose factions spread terror across Gaul, Spain, and Italy. Finally, he secures the position of governor of Syria in 191, where he remains during the assassination of Pertinax.
Immediately, the three legions under his command rally to his side, and he sends an envoy to Rome to have his elevation recognized, but his messenger is intercepted by Septimius Severus. While Niger garners support from other Eastern legions, including the proconsul of Asia, Asellius Aemilianus, who occupies Byzantium in his name, Septimius Severus is already en route to Rome. He receives recognition from the Senate on June 1, 193.
Subsequently, Pescennius Niger refuses to recognize Septimius Severus, prompting Severus to dispatch troops to Africa with the aim of obstructing Niger’s potential to sever the capital’s supply lines. He also takes the children of Niger and other governors of the East hostage. Nevertheless, the military forces are imbalanced: Niger commands merely six legions, whereas Septimius Severus wields the might of sixteen legions stationed along the Danube.
Considering the circumstances, Niger determines that an offensive approach is optimal. Consequently, he dispatches a contingent to Thrace, where they face defeat at the hands of Asellius Aemilianus. Despite this setback, Niger’s resolve remains unshaken as his forces lay siege to Byzantium. In a subsequent engagement occurring between November and December of 193, Aemilianus suffers defeat and meets his demise by beheading. This forces Niger to abandon the city and retreat to Nicaea.
A clash in late December 193 or early January 194 near Nicaea resulted in another defeat for Niger. Over time, the backing he once enjoyed in Asia dwindles, and by February 194, Egypt declares its allegiance to Septimius Severus.
In an attempt to evade the situation, Pescennius Niger endeavors to seek refuge with the Parthians. However, his flight concludes with his capture in late April 194, culminating in his execution by beheading. Subsequently, his severed head is dispatched to Byzantium, a city that remains steadfast in its refusal to surrender. The city’s resistance persists until July 196, when it ultimately capitulates following an arduous and protracted siege.
Septimius Severus will then have the city razed, but at the request of his son Caracalla, he will rebuild it a few years later due to its strategic importance.
Clodius Albinus
According to the Historia Augusta, Decimus Clodius Albinus was born on November 25, 147, in Hadrumetum (today Sousse in Tunisia), into a senatorial family from northern Italy that had been forced into exile in Africa due to reversals of fortune.
As per the Historia Augusta, he commenced his military career at a tender age. He reportedly took part in putting down the uprising against Marcus Aurelius in Bithynia by Avidius Cassius in 175, while commanding a legion. More reliable sources, like Herodian and Dio Cassius, report that he found himself stationed in Dacia around 180, alongside Pescennius Niger, before assuming the role of consul during the years 185–187. In recognition of his distinguished service, he later earned leadership positions in Gallia Belgica and later in Great Britain. In the latter, he dealt with unrest and insubordination among the three legions in the preceding years.
In the early months of 193, while stationed in Britain, he received news of the assassination of Pertinax and the subsequent rise of Didius Julianus. Similar to the actions of the troops under Pescennius Niger in Syria and those of Septimius Severus in Pannonia, the armies in Britain and Gaul rebelled and acclaimed Clodius Albinus as their emperor. However, he declined this title and formed an alliance with Septimius Severus, who had managed to seize Rome and gain approval from the Senate. Retaining considerable power, Clodius Albinus governed a substantial portion of the Western Roman territories, commanding three legions from Britain and the VII Gemina from Spain. Wanting to eliminate Pescennius Niger first, Septimius Severus allows his new ally to add the name “Septimus” and bestows the title of “Caesar” in April 193; the two men will share the consulship from January 1, 194.
Following the defeat of Pescennius Niger in the East, Septimius Severus opted to rid himself of this inconvenient ally. On December 15, 195, Clodius Albinus was designated as an enemy of the state, and Severus appointed his own son Caracalla to succeed him. With his options dwindling, Clodius Albinus proclaimed himself emperor either late in December or early in January 196. The provinces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain pledged their support to him. Crossing the English Channel with his legions, he established his base in Lyon. While he managed to overcome Severus’s legate and take control of the forces in Gaul, he struggled to rally the Rhine legions, which remained loyal to Septimius Severus.
Severus’s army advanced toward Clodius Albinus through the Jura mountains. The initial clash occurred at Tinurtium (Tournus), where Severus emerged victorious but without a decisive outcome. The ultimate showdown transpired in Lyon on February 19, 197. The result of the battle remained uncertain for a considerable period, ultimately culminating in Septimius Severus’s triumph.
Historical accounts from that time diverge on the specifics of Albinus’s demise during the battle. However, they concur that he met his end on or close to the battlefield, was decapitated, and his head was dispatched to Rome as a cautionary message to Severus’s adversaries. In addition, his family members, numerous supporters across Gaul and Spain, and senators who had sided with him in Rome faced execution. In response, the Senate enacted his “damnatio memoriae,” erasing his memory from official records.
Septimius Severus
Lucius Septimius Severus Pertinax, born on April 11, 146, in Leptis Magna, which is known today as Al-Khums in Libya, was born into a family of significant local prominence and substantial landownership within the African province.
Thanks to an uncle, he gained the early privilege of joining the Senate, commencing a career in administration. He began as a quaestor in Sardinia in 171, served as a legate in Africa in 173/174, assumed the role of a tribune of the plebs in 174/175, held the position of praetor in 178, and became a legate in Spain in 179. However, it wasn’t until 182 or 183 that his genuine military journey began, with his promotion to lead the IV Scythica legion stationed in Syria. He faced Pescennius Niger between 186 and 188 while he was overseeing Lyon, a city he cleared of its outlaws.
Following a brief tenure as proconsul in Sicily in 189, he was assigned to Upper Pannonia the next year. It was at Carnutum, situated in modern-day Petronell-Bad, Austria, that he received news of Pertinax’s assassination on April 9, 193. Upon learning that the Praetorian Guard had essentially put the empire up for sale, his troops swiftly declared him emperor. Additional legions, such as the X Gemina, joined this proclamation, promptly supplying Septimius Severus with an army. With this force at his disposal, he embarked for Rome, confident in the support of political figures and senators from the African region. Despite efforts by Didius Julianus, who had replaced Pertinax, to organize resistance, he found himself abandoned, Rome opened its gates, and the Senate acknowledged Septimius Severus as the rightful emperor.
While concealing his disdain for the Roman populace and the senatorial aristocracy, he assured the Senate of his intent to govern in the tradition of Marcus Aurelius and Pertinax, both of whom he advocated for deification. He proceeded to disband the disgraced Praetorian Guard, responsible for selling the empire to the highest bidder, and replaced it with legionnaires, primarily drawn from the Danube region.
Following this, he initiated the elimination of his contenders. As previously mentioned, he gained the support of Clodius Albinus by appointing him as Caesar. He effectively dealt with Pescennius Niger in 194 during the Battle of Issus, subsequently campaigning against the Parthians, where remnants of Niger’s forces had taken refuge.
Building on this victory, he turned his attention to Clodius Albinus, nullifying his “Caesar” title by bestowing the same designation upon his son Bassianus, later known as Caracalla, signifying his ambition to establish a dynasty. To this end, in early 195, he asserted his lineage as the son of Marcus Aurelius and the brother of Commodus, forging a connection with the Antonine dynasty. It was during this time that Clodius Albinus, who held sway over a significant portion of the European provinces, declared himself Augustus. But the struggle was uneven, and Albinus would be eliminated the following year.
The Year of the Five Emperors highlighted the instability and fragmentation of the Roman Empire during the Crisis of the Third Century. It marked a period of civil war and demonstrated the challenges of succession in a vast and diverse empire.
Returning to Rome in June 197, he confronted opposition from the adherents of his two rivals, resorting to the execution of certain senators, the banishment of others, and the confiscation of their assets, which were then redirected to the imperial treasury. By the fall of 197, he formalized the dynastic principle by designating Caracalla as “imperator designatus” and his other son, Geta, as “Caesar.”
Nonetheless, another campaign beckoned, compelling him to depart Rome once again in 197–198, this time against the Parthians. This endeavor enabled Rome to reclaim Mesopotamia and the Parthian capital. Following this campaign, he ventured to the East, traveling along the Nile to its border with Ethiopia. Following a brief sojourn in Rome, he journeyed back to Africa, visiting several cities, including Carthage and his hometown, Leptis Magna. During this visit, he significantly extended the empire’s southern borders to fend off incursions from the surrounding tribes.
Between 205 and 208, he remained in Rome, engaging in a wide array of activities spanning the military, administrative, financial, urban planning, economic, and religious spheres.
Despite his waning health, he set off for Britain in 208 to combat the Caledonians, who persistently raided the two Roman provinces. It was here, in September-October 209, that he elevated his second son, Geta, to the status of Augustus. Thus, until his death, the empire had three emperors: an elderly one with declining health and two young ones who mutually hated each other.
He breathed his last at the age of sixty-five on February 4, 211, in Eburacum, known today as York. The dynasty he established witnessed the succession of five emperors from 193 to 235 AD, with a brief disruption between April 217 and June 218. Its conclusion came in 235, with the assassination of Severus Alexander, his final representative.
.jpg - Wikimedia Commons){kind=link}
